REVELATIONS 
OFAGERMAN  ATTACHE 

-  EMIL  WITTE  " 


GIFT  OF 
Elisabeth  Whitney  Putna 


REVELATIONS  OF 
A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

EMIL         WITTE 


Bus  einer 
Deufschen  Bofsdiaft. 

Zehn  Sabre  Oeufsdi-Hrnerlkanisdier  Diplomatic. 


emil  Witte 

Bofsdiaftsral   a*  0* 


ZettbiJdei-Verlag 


TITLE  OF  FIRST  EDITION,  PUBLISHED  IN  LEIPZIG  IN  IQO7 


REVELATIONS    OF 
A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

Ten  Years  of  Germ  an -American  Diplomacy 

BY 

EMIL  WITTE 

LATE  COUNCILLOR  OF  LEGATION  AT  WASHINGTON 


TRANSLATED  FROM  THE   GERMAN 


NEW  YORK 
GEORGE  H.  DORAN  COMPANY 


COPYRIGHT,  1916, 
BY  GEORGE  H.  DORAN  COMPANY 


PUBLISHED  IN  LEIPZIG,    IQO7 
PRINTED  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA 


INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  AMERICAN 
TRANSLATION 

THE  experiences  of  Emil  Witte  with  the  German  Em 
bassy  at  Washington  and  the  Foreign  Office  at  Berlin, 
1898-1907,  have  too  long  been  hidden  from  the  Ameri 
can  people,  whom  they  most  concern,  in  the  black  text 
of  a  German  volume  published  at  Leipzig  in  1907.  But 
such  is  the  intimate  view  they  give  of  the  inside  work 
ings  of  the  German  Embassy  under  Herr  von  Holle- 
ben  and  the  intrigues  against  the  devotion  of  the  sons 
of  Germany  to  their  American  fealty,  that  their  pub 
lication  in  English  is  singularly  timely  to-day. 

Who  Emil  Witte  was  and  what  were  his  relations  to 
the  events  and  scenes  he  describes  are  sufficiently  set 
forth  in  the  text.  It  may  be  explained,  however,  that 
the  world  is  indebted  to  him  for  the  remarkable  pen 
pictures  he  has  given  of  men  and  affairs  in  the  United 
States  during  the  period  of  his  experiences.  And  if 
there  is  the  spice  of  bitterness  in  what  he  writes  of 
some  of  his  countrymen,  and  if  he  very  often  errs  in 
his  judgment  of  the  acts  and  motives  of  some  Ameri 
cans  with  whom  he  comes  in  contact,  it  must  be  remem 
bered  that  he  had  a  deep  grievance  against  Herr  von 
Holleben,  that  he  felt  that  he  had  been  "used  and 
abused"  by  the  German  Foreign  Office,  that  out  of 
the  quarrels  of  conspirators  comes  revelation  and  that 
he  had  only  a  foreigner's  superficial  knowledge  of  the 
underlying  spirit  and  characteristics  of  Americans. 

There  are  many  things  in  this  book  relating  to  Amer 
ican  men  and  affairs  that  have  to  be  taken  with  more 

4 124 68 


vi  INTRODUCTION 

than  a  grain  of  salt,  but  generally  Herr  Witte's  obser 
vations  bear  the  stamp  of  veracity,  warped  by  the 
wrongs  and  prejudices  of  the  writer.  He  was  more 
familiar  with  the  German  side  of  what  he  saw  and 
heard  in  the  United  States,  and  it  is  for  what  he  has 
revealed  of  this  that  his  book  is  most  valuable. 

It  should  be  remembered  to  the  credit  of  Herr  Witte 
that  at  the  opening  of  the  Spanish-American  war  he 
was  one  of  the  editors  of  the  Deutsche  Zeitung  at 
Vienna  and  also  about  the  only  editor  in  the  central 
empires  to  advocate  the  cause  of  the  United  States. 

As  the  reader  turns  page  after  page  of  this  volume, 
disclosing  German  plottings  against  the  singleness  of 
American  allegiance,  he  will  understand  why  the  book 
became  so  scarce  that  the  Fortnightly  Review  sug 
gested  that  the  German  government  bought  up  and 
destroyed  all  the  copies  it  could  lay  hands  on. 

The  translation  into  English  was  made  by  Flor 
ence  Clarkson  Taylor,  whose  familiarity  with  the 
newspaper  German  of  Herr  Witte  was  supplemented 
by  that  of  Dr.  Francis  Payne  Mason,  both  of  them 
having  spent  many  years  in  Germany. 

SLASON  THOMPSON. 


PREFACE 

UP  to  the  period  of  the  Spanish- American  war  beau 
tiful  Washington  had  been  considered  as  a  buen  retiro 
for  well-deserving  diplomats  who  had  a  claim  to  a 
quiet  and  comfortable  little  resting  place.  Since  the 
beginning  of  the  imperialistic  era  of  the  United  States, 
however,  Washington  has  become  an  important  storm 
centre  of  world  politics  and  the  Powers  of  the  Old 
World  carefully  consider  this  change  in  conditions. 
They  now  appoint  only  their  best  men,  men  familiar 
with  all  questions  of  international  politics  and  trade, 
to  represent  their  interests  at  the  seat  of  the  American 
Federal  Government. 

As  in  all  other  fields  of  public  life,  the  reckless  go- 
ahead  spirit,  to  which  the  American  Republic  owes 
its  world  power,  shows  itself  in  its  relations  with  the 
representatives  of  the  Old  World.  The  diplomats  in 
long-tailed  coats  and  knee  breeches,  before  they  be 
come  acclimated  and  learn  to  appreciate  at  their  full 
value  the  "shirt-sleeve,"  "Rough-Rider"  methods  of 
their  American  colleagues,  frequently  pay  a  bitter  price 
for  their  experience. 

It  was  given  to  me,  during  the  critical  time  which 
followed  the  close  of  the  Spanish-American  war,  to 
be  entrusted  with  numerous  important  missions  by  the 
German  Embassy  in  Washington  and,  through  my 
position  of  confidential  agent  to  the  Ambassador  in 
matters  relating  to  the  newspaper  press,  to  obtain  an 
astounding  insight  into  the  secret  goings-on,  the  be 
hind  the  scenes,  so  to  speak,  of  German  and  Ameri- 

vii 


viii  PREFACE 

can  diplomacy.  I  likewise  had  opportunity  to  study 
at  first  hand  the  sordid  machinations  of  a  coterie  of 
self-seeking  men  who  attempted  to  disturb  the  good 
understanding  existing  between  the  United  States  and 
Germany. 

In  the  pages  of  this  book  the  public  will  learn  for 
the  first  time  the  absolute  unvarnished  truth  regard 
ing  the  relations  existing  between  the  two  countries 
and  the  attempt  of  a  powerful  and  corrupt  press  to 
interfere  with  them  on  both  sides  of  the  ocean. 

Who  in  Germany,  for  instance,  knows  that  the 
much-lauded  visit  of  Prince  Henry,  which  officially 
was  supposed  to  have  added  to  and  cemented  the 
friendly  relations  existing  between  the  German  Empire 
and  the  United  States,  as  a  matter  of  fact  terminated 
in  a  diplomatic  incident? — A  diplomatic  incident  pur 
posely  produced  and  amounting  to  a  deadly  affront 
to  the  honour  of  the  German  nation,  an  incident  which 
would  have  had  a  less  shameful  ending  if  a  man  like 
Bismarck  had  been  Imperial  Chancellor  instead  of 
Prince  von  Biilow?  To  whom  is  it  known  that  the 
German  ambassador,  Dr.  von  Holleben,  was  forced 
to  leave  the  Federal  Capital  under  conditions  so  shame 
ful  and  disparaging  that  the  history  of  no  other  coun 
try  shows  their  equal?  Who  knows  that  all  this  was 
done  to  make  room  for  a  man  whose  principal,  if  not 
exclusive,  service  is  his  personal  friendship  with  the 
present  Rough  Rider  President  of  the  United  States? 
For  a  man  upon  whose  diplomatic  abilities  no  German 
paper  up  to  date  set  a  proper  valuation  except  "Sim- 
plicissimus "  whose  famous  cartoon  has  been  amply 
justified ! 

To  whom  is  it  known  that  after,  and  in  spite  of,  these 
discouraging  experiences  the  German  Emperor  and 
the  Confederation  of  German  Princes  have  renewed 


PREFACE  ix 

relations  with  the  German  emigrants  to  America, 
who  at  one  time  were  despised  as  renegades  ?  And 
that  while  this  rapprochement  may  appear  highly  de 
sirable  and  commendable  from  the  Imperial  and  ALL- 
GERMAN  standpoint,  it  is  viewed  in  quite  a  different 
light  by  official  circles  in  America? 

He  who  has  followed  with  an  unprejudiced  eye  the 
course  of  events  since  the  Spanish- American  war  can 
not  but  conclude  that  a  continuation  of  this  policy 
of  deceiving  the  public  mind  and  suppressing  the  truth 
will  bear  bitter  fruit.  Some  day  these  two  peoples, 
racially  descended  from  the  same  stock,  will  have  to 
ladle  out  the  soup  that  is  now  being  prepared  for  them 
by  selfish  interests. 

It  has  not  been  an  easy  matter  for  me  to  write  and 
give  to  the  world  this  book,  containing  as  it  does  the 
sum  of  my  observations  and  experiences  in  the  service 
of  the  Imperial  German  Embassy  in  Washington.  In 
it  I  have  frankly  called  persons  and  things  by  their 
real  names,  taking  the  standpoint  that  a  danger  once 
known  is  a  danger  half  defeated. 

May  the  German  and  American  peoples  learn  the 
truth,  and  wreck  the  schemes  of  those  "dark  men  of 
honour"  who  would  plunge  the  two  countries  into  an 
unholy  war,  before  it  is  too  late. 

Charlottenburg,  Tegeler-Weg   103 

September,    1907. 

€mii  Wittt. 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

I.  THE  EMBASSY  AND  THE  PRESS        .        .        .15 

II.  "On,  THESE  SIMPLE  AMERICANS!"        .        .  19 

III.  I  MAKE  A  DECISION 23 

IV.  I  EXPERIENCE  AMERICAN  JOURNALISM  .        .  37 
V.  SOME  UNWRITTEN  HISTORY    ....  49 

VI.  PUBLIC  OPINION  LED  BY  THE  NOSE        .        .  58 

VII.  THE  INFLUENCE  OF  GERMAN-AMERICANS        .  62 

VIII.  THE  IMPERTINENT  AMERICAN  PRESS       .        .  66 

IX.  HERR  VON  MUMM'S  AMBITIONS      ...  70 

X.  WHAT  WASHINGTON  BUZZED  ABOUT      .        .  75 

XI.  CHAPTER  ELEVEN  OMITTED  (See  page  84) 

XII.  MY  CONNECTION  Is  BETRAYED        ...  85 

XIII.  FOUNDATION  OF  THE  REUTER  BUREAU  .        .  89 

XIV.  THE  BIGGEST  BRUTE— A  WHITE   CROW        .  118 
XV.  GERMAN  AMERICA 139 

XVI.  THE  TRIBE  OF  HERR  PROFESSOR      .        .         .  147 

XVII.  IMPLORES  ROOSEVELT'S   PROTECTION         .        .158 

XVIII.  DEEPER  COMPLICATIONS 168 

XIX.  THE  TRUTH  AND  THE  LAW     ....  179 

XX.  OFFICIAL  FRIENDSHIP 185 

xi 


xii  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

XXI.  PUZZLES  AND  POLITICS 195 

XXII.  "HANDS  ACROSS  THE  SEA"      ....  213 

XXIII.  SOME  SOCIAL  ORGANIZATIONS  ....  223 

XXIV.  AND— THE  FUTURE? 239 

XXV.  SHALL  I  BE  VINDICATED — ?    ....  250 


REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 


REVELATIONS   OF  A 
GERMAN  ATTACHE 

CHAPTER    I 

THE  EMBASSY  AND  THE  PRESS 

The  I2th  of  March,  1902. — What  was  telegraphed  to  the 
Philadelphia  North  American  from  the  Federal  Capital. — 
"Has  Washington  demanded  von  Holleben's  Recall  ?"— The 
New  York  papers  appear  in  extra  editions. — The  General 
Manager  of  the  "Associated  Press"  requests  an  interview 
for  the  press. — I  send  a  request  to  Dr.  Mantler,  chief  of 
the  Wolff  Telegraph  Bureau,  to  see  me. — "Keep  a  stiff 
upper  lip !" 

IN  New  York  about  midday  of  the  I2th  of  March, 
1902,  the  electric  bell  in  my  front  room  rang  violently 
and  a  man  stood  before  me  with  his  card,  on  which 
was  engraved  the  name  of  "Mr.  Egan,  Special  Cor 
respondent  of  the  Associated  Press."  He  drew  from 
his  pocket  a  newspaper  whose  large-typed  extra  still 
smelled  of  fresh  ink,  and  pointed  with  his  forefinger 
to  the  striking  headlines. 

"I  have  a  message  from  our  general  director,  Mr. 
Melville  Stone,  who  begs  you  to  give  your  views  on 
this  subject  through  the  Associated  Press'3 

I  took  the  sheet  curiously  from  his  hand  and  began 
to  read.  I  could  hardly  believe  my  eyes!  What  I 
saw  there,  in  giant  type,  was  the  equivalent  of  a  decla 
ration  of  war  against  the  German  Empire! !  I  herewith 
give  the  notice  as  received  by  the  German  official  wire, 

15 


OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

wnicfr  thei  correspondents  of  German  newspapers  in 
New  York  transmitted,  first  in  English  and  then  in 
German  translation. 

"N.  Y.   (Evening)   World,  5th  Edition,  Wednesday,  March 
12,  1902. 

HAS  WASHINGTON  ASKED  VON  HOLLEBEN'S 
RECALL? 

REPORT    THAT    THE    GERMAN    AMBASSADOR    HAS    RECEIVED     HIS 

PASSPORTS   AND  BEEN   ORDERED  TO  LEAVE  THE 

COUNTRY  IN  FORTY-EIGHT  HOURS. 


Philadelphia,  Pa.,  March  12, . 

'The  North  American  to-day  publishes  the  following  spe 
cial  despatch  from  its  Washington  correspondent: 

"Not  since  the  historic  De  Lome  incident,  which  had  its 
part  in  the  beginning  of  the  Spanish-American  war,  has 
Washington  been  so  stirred  as  by  the  rumour  to-night  that  one 
of  the  foreign  ambassadors  has  been  informed  that  he  must 
leave  the  country. 

"Though  only  a  rumour,  and  though  denied  formally,  but 
without  enthusiasm,  at  the  State  Department,  the  impression 
persists,  and  is  embellished  with  details. 

"VON  HOLLEBEN  SAID  TO  BE  THE  MAN 

"Ambassador  von  Holleben,  of  Germany,  is  the  foreign 
representative  who  is  said  to  have  displeased  the  United 
States  Government  so  seriously  that  he  has  received  his 
passports.  According  to  report,  the  incident  will  not  lead 
to  a  rupture  in  the  relations  between  the  two  countries.  A 
gentleman  who  is  in  a  position  to  learn  at  an  early  moment 
any  important  developments  said  to  the  North  American  cor 
respondent  to-night: 

"An  ambassador  has  received  his  passports,  and  has  been 
told  to  leave  the  country  within  forty-eight  hours.  I  will  not 
disclose  his  identity ;  the  whole  story  will  be  known  in  a  day 
or  two.  The  time  allowed  to  him  has  been  extended  from 
forty-eight  hours  to  thirty  days. 

"INTRIGUING  IN  CORPORATION  AFFAIRS 

"There  will  be  no  international  complications.  The  Am 
bassador  has  been  intriguing  in  the  affairs  of  some  corpo- 


THE  EMBASSY  AND  THE  PRESS  17 

rations,  and  it  is  probable  that  an  apology  will  be  tendered 
by  his  government  in  due  time,  thus  closing  the  incident. 

"These  statements  were  repeated  to  Secretary  of  State 
Hay  to-night,  and  he  was  asked  whether  it  was  true  that 
Ambassador  von  Holleben  had  been  invited  to  return  to 
Germany.  The  Secretary  denied  it. 

"It  was  told  by  another  official  that  von  Holleben  had 
intended  returning  with  Prince  Henry,  but  had  deferred  his 
departure  thirty  days." 

To  appreciate  the  full  meaning  of  the  foregoing 
telegram,  one  must  bear  in  mind  that  the  despatch 
appeared  less  than  twenty-four  hours  after  the  depar 
ture  of  Prince  Henry  of  Prussia,  brother  of  the  Ger 
man  Emperor,  who  started  on  his  homeward  journey 
March  nth.  It  was  a  deadly  insult  to  the  German 
Emperor,  a  provocation  without  example,  which  un 
doubtedly  would  have  serious  consequences  for  the 
amiable  relations  between  the  German  Empire  and  the 
United  States  of  America. 

I  returned  the  sheet  to  Mr.  Egan,  who  was  looking 
at  me  curiously.  With  an  artificial  appearance  of  un 
concern,  which  in  reality  I  was  far  from  feeling,  I 
replied : 

"I  am  surprised  that  Mr.  Melville  Stone  should 
remember  me.  May  I  ask,  before  I  give  you  an  an 
swer,  how  he  got  my  address  ?" 

Mr.  Egan  raised  his  eyebrows  and  thought  a  mo 
ment.  "I  shall  commit  no  indiscretion  by  telling  you. 
Mr.  Stone  got  your  address  from  Washington/' 

"Allow  me  one  more  question,  Mr.  Egan.  When  did 
you  see  Dr.  Mantler  last?" 

Dr.  Mantler  is  the  general  director  of  the  semi 
official  Wolff's  Telegraph  Office  in  Berlin,  who  was 
in  the  suite  of  Prince  Henry  and  made  the  American, 
tour  with  him,  and  who  remained  in  New  York  for 
a  short  time  after  the  Prince's  departure. 


i8  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

"I  saw  Dr.  Mantler  before  I  came  to  you!" 

"Then  I  must  ask  you  to  present  my  compliments 
to  Mr.  Melville  Stone  and  say  to  him  that  for  the 
present  I  prefer  not  to  express  my  views.  And  will 
you  kindly  say  to  Dr.  Mantler  that  I  shall  expect 
a  visit  from  him  to-day?" 

Mr.  Egan's  expression  suddenly  changed.  "I  will 
tell  you,"  he  remarked,  "that  some  deviltry  is  on  foot, 
whose  origin  and  purport  are  unknown  to  me,  but  it 
seems  to  me  that  they  are  trying  to  draw  you  into  the 
affair,  and  I  advise  you  to  keep  a  stiff  upper  lip. 

"As  a  correspondent  of  the  Associated  Press  I 
accompanied  the  Prince  in  his  travels  over  the  whole 
country  and  he  made  a  very  pleasant  impression  on 
me,  as  well  as  all  the  other  newspaper  men.  But  as 
for  your  ambassador,  Mr.  von  Holleben — Oh !  what  a 
funny  little  man!  When  he  used  to  pass  through  the 
car  reserved  for  the  correspondents  on  the  special 
train  he  always  waited  for  us  to  rise,  stand  stiffly 
and  bow,  and  he  would  get  fiery  red  and  as  angry  as 
a  turkey  cock  if  we  did  not  do  so." 

Mr.  Egan,  who  later,  during  the  Russo-Japanese 
war,  went  to  Tokio  for  the  Associated  Press,  left  with 
a  friendly  word  and  the  promise  to  faithfully  give  my 
message  to  Mr.  Stone  and  also  to  Dr.  Mantler. 

The  hours  went  by  and  Dr.  Mantler  did  not  come. 
The  interests  of  the  Empire  were  offered  up  for  per 
sonal  revenge  and  the  mischief  ran  its  course. 

How  near  the  German  people  were,  during  these 
eventful  days,  to  war  with  the  United  States  will  be 
learned  through  these  disclosures. 


CHAPTER  II 

"OH,  THESE  SIMPLE  AMERICANS  !" 

"Oh,  these  simple  Americans !"  Naive  conception  of  Ameri 
can  naivete  among  German  diplomats. — Announcement  of 
Prince  Henry's  American  visit. — Expression  of  the  old, 
"historic  friendship"  between  the  German  and  American 
peoples. — Serious  illness  of  the  President's  eldest  son. — 
The  Prince  comes,  though  Washington  warns  him  off. — 
His  triumphal  procession  through  the  United  States. — 
"Dear  fatherland,  may  peace  be  thine !" — What  did  the 
chief  of  the  Federal  secret  service  report  to  Washing 
ton  ? — The  imperial  yacht  Hohenzollern  steams  out  of  New 
York  harbour  before  the  appointed  time. 

"These  Americans  are  so  naive;  there  is  no  bait 
which  they  will  not  eagerly  swallow  if  it  is  only  offered 
them  with  a  friendly  smile  and  sufficiently  sugared!" 
This  sentiment  was  often  expressed  by  an  intimate 
friend  of  Herr  von  Holleben  during  the  time  I  had 
the  honour  to  be  attached  to  the  embassy  for  press 
matters,  and  it  is  characteristic  of  the  comprehension 
that  the  men  in  that  circle  of  German  diplomacy  enter 
tained  of  the  statesmen  of  the  New  World,  and  which 
led  to  so  many  fatal  mistakes.  After  a  succession  of 
unpleasant  incidents — one  has  only  to  remember  the 
Dewey-Diederichs  episode  in  the  Bay  of  Manila,  the 
unfortunate  Samoa  affair,  the  Coghlan  intermezzo 
(Hoch  der  Kaiser)  and  the  Venezuela  imbroglio — sud 
denly  Berlin  diplomacy  remembered  the  old  "historic 
friendship"  which  had  bound  the  Prussians,  from  the 
days  of  Frederick  the  Great,  to  the  United  States, 
and  laid  stress  on  the  fact  that  the  North  American 

19 


20  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

Republic  had  no  truer  and  more  honourable  friend 
than  the  German  Empire.  And  to  assure  this  fact 
to  the  world  in  general,  and  America  in  particular,  the 
announcement  was  made  that  Prince  Henry  would  tour 
the  United  States  of  America. 

The  official  American  world  rubbed  its  eyes  in  aston 
ishment.  The  telegram  which  contained  the  first  news 
of  the  approaching  visit  was  like  lightning  from  a 
clear  sky.  The  "yellow"  press,  just  at  this  time,  was 
conducting  a  furious  war  dance  against  Germany, 
whom  it  accused  of  having  evil  intentions  against  the 
Monroe  Doctrine,  and  in  Washington  the  tourist 
swarms  daily  passed  by  the  German  Legation  and 
pointed  with  their  fingers  to  the  officials  who  were  vis 
ible  behind  the  barred  windows  and  of  whom  the  guides 
usually  remarked :  "Those  are  the  representatives  of 
the  Power  with  which  we  will  have  our  next  war  and 
which  we  will  thrash  the  way  we  did  the  Spaniards." 

Was  it  to  be  wondered  at  that  official  Washington 
could  not  be  brought  to  believe  in  the  newly  discovered 
"historic  friendship"  between  Germany  and  the  United 
States,  and  ascribed  other  motives  to  Prince  Henry's 
visit  than  those  which  had  been  given  out?  A  test 
was  made,  and  the  severe  illness  of  the  President's  son, 
Theodore  Roosevelt,  Jr.,  taken  as  an  excuse  for  the 
following  telegram,  which  I  give  exactly  as  it  appeared 
in  the  New  York  Staats-Zeitung: 

VISIT   IN    QUESTION 

A  Postponement  of  Prince  Henry's  Visit  Possible.     Only  a 
Decided  Change  for  the  Better  in  the  Condition  of 
the  President's  son  zuill  make  it  Possible  not 
to  delay  the  "visit  planned. 

Washington,  Feb.  10:  If  at  the  end  of  this  week  there 
has  been  no  decided  change  for  the  better  in  the  condition 
of  Theodore  Roosevelt,  Jr.,  it  appears  that  Prince  Henry  of 


"OH,  THESE  SIMPLE  AMERICANS !"        21 

Prussia  will  be  obliged  to  delay  his  visit  to  the  United  States 
till  later  in  the  year. 

Promptly  followed  from  Berlin  the  cabled  answer 
that  even  in  the  event  of  the  worst  in  the  case  of 
young  Roosevelt,  there  would  be  no  necessity  for  de 
laying  the  Prince's  visit,  as  this  was  not  a  presidential 
one  but  intended  for  the  German  people  of  the  country. 

One  may  imagine  how  charmed  those  in  the  White 
House  and  the  neighbouring  embassies  were  with  this 
answer. 

Then  came  the  Prince.  The  American  Congress 
had  voted  thirty  thousand  dollars  as  an  entertainment 
fund,  so  he  travelled  over  the  country  as  a  guest  of 
the  American  nation.  The  Germans  arose  as  one  man 
to  greet  him.  Wherever  the  Prince  appeared,  all  the 
German  societies  swarmed  in  line,  German  flags 
waved,  and  "Fest  Steht  und  treu  die  Wacht  am  Rhein" 
as  well  as  "Deutschland,  Deutschland  tiber  Alles," 
was  sung. 

The  Prince  was  convinced  by  his  own  observations, 
and  could  inform  his  imperial  brother,  that  he  found 
himself  in  a  country  in  which  a  third  *  of  the  popula 
tion  was  of  German  birth  or  German  descent,  and  fully 
determined,  under  all  circumstances,  to  be  true  to  Ger 
many.  He  saw  and  convinced  himself  of  the  truth 
of  the  expression  which  once  Dr.  von  Holleben  had 
used  to  a  reporter  at  a  critical  time,  namely,  that  any 
war  between  Germany  and  the  United  States  would 
be  in  the  character  of  a  civil  war.  But  if  Prince  Henry 
and  Dr.  von  Holleben  were  witnesses  of  those  impos 
ing  mass  demonstrations  of  the  Germans  in  America, 
so  also  was  John  E.  Wilkie,  who,  after  years  of  news 
paper  service,  had  become  head  of  the  Federal  Secret 

*  Actually  less  than  one-tenth. 


22  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

Service,  and  who,  with  a  number  of  lynx-eyed  agents, 
had  made  the  entire  triumphal  tour  with  the  Prince, 
and  whose  reports  to  the  President,  as  well  as  to  the 
State  Department,  would  not  be  less  interesting  or 
instructive  than  those  of  the  princely  guest  of  the 
American  nation  to  the  German  Emperor,  and  those 
of  Herr  von  Holleben  to  the  foreign  office  in  Berlin.* 

A  threatening  storm  gathered,  which  broke  the  in 
stant  the  Prince  had  turned  his  back  on  the  Ameri 
can  shores.  I  have  heard  from  an  absolutely  authentic 
source  that  the  original  intention  had  been  to  engineer 
the  von  Holleben  incident  while  the  Prince  was  pres 
ent  in  America.  That  would  have  meant  war,  but,  for 
tunately  for  the  welfare  of  both  nations,  strong  in 
fluences  were  brought  to  bear,  with  the  result  that  the 
planned  rough-rider  play,  if  not  entirely  hindered,  was 
at  least  put  off  a  few  days. 

Who  has  not  known  until  now  why  the  imperial 
yacht  Hohenzollern  suddenly  lifted  anchor  several 
days  before  the  allotted  time  and  steamed  out  of  New 
York  harbour  without  ceremony,  will  find  here  the  rea 
son  for  that  astonishing  circumstance.  "We  are  first 
and  last  responsible,"  David  J.  Hill,  American  Under 
secretary  of  State,  had  said  to  me  on  a  former  occa 
sion,  "and  if  the  anger  of  the  people  were  to  be 
aroused,  there  could  be  no  retreating." 

A  lucky  providence  ordained  that  the  imperial  yacht 
Hohenzollern  did  not  have  the  fate  of  the  Maine  in 
the  harbour  of  Havana. 

Even  the  "American  naivete"  has,  as  one  sees,  its 
limits. 

*  "Prince  Henry's  visit,  however,  was  really  intended  to 
solidify  the  German-American  movement  in  behalf  of  the 
Fatherland."— Thayer's  "Life  of  John  Hay,"  Vol.  II,  p.  290. 


CHAPTER    III 

I    MAKE   A    DECISION 

How  it  happened  that  the  Washington  telegram  regarding 
Herr  von  Holleben's  recall  appeared  in  the  Philadelphia 
North  American. — On  the  advice  of  Dr.  Franz  Schneider, 
Paris  correspondent  of  the  Cologne  Zeitung,  I  determine  to 
put  in  writing  a  history  of  my  relations  with  the  Embassy. 
— "Habent  sua  fata  libelli !" — An  article  in  the  Vienna 
Deutsche  Zeitung,  and  its  consequences. — Hatred  of  the 
German  press  for  America. — Plan  for  publication  of  a 
"Washington  correspondence." — A  letter  of  recommenda 
tion  from  the  American  Charge  d' Affaires  at  Vienna. — I 
meet  Ambassador  von  Holleben  and  Dr.  Laufer,  editor-in- 
chief  of  the  Norddeutschen  Allgemeinen  Zeitung,  in  Berlin. 
An  opinion  of  the  American  Charge  at  Berlin. — My  arrival 
In  Washington. 

THE  Philadelphia  North  American,  which  was  the 
first  and  only  paper  to  publish,  on  the  morning  after 
the  departure  of  Prince  Henry  from  America,  the  news 
that  Dr.  von  Holleben  had  received  his  passports  and 
been  requested  to  leave  the  United  States  within  forty- 
eight  hours,  is  one  of  the  most  respectable  and  influen 
tial  daily  papers  in  the  United  States  and  belongs  to 
the  millionaire,  John  Wanamaker,  who,  during  Presi 
dent  McKinley's  administration,  was  Postmaster  Gen 
eral,  and  is  in  the  closest  relations  to  the  present  states 
men  in  Washington.  This  would  explain  how  that 
ominous  telegram  from  the  American  capital  was  ac 
cepted  in  its  columns  and  how  the  general  director  of 
the  Associated  Press,  Mr.  Melville  E.  Stone,  in  New 
York,  at  the  same  time  received  my  address  "from 

23 


24  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

Washington"  and  was  asked  to  try  to  get  me  to  ex 
press  my  views  in  regard  to  the  statement  in  the  Phila 
delphia  publication. 

But  how  did  it  happen  that  the  powers  in  Washing 
ton  had  my  address  and  brought  me  into  conjunction 
with  the  telegram  sent  out  by  them? 

The  answer  to  this  question  throws  a  remarkable 
light  on  the  secret-service  history  of  our  day,  and, 
taking  into  consideration  the  tremendous  interest 
which  this  exposure  possesses  in  the  disclosure  of  those 
dark  events,  I  shall  not  hesitate  to  put  on  paper  the 
"truth,  the  whole  truth  and  nothing  but  the  truth." 

Habent  sua  fata  libelli! 

In  the  year  1900,  while  I  was  visiting  the  Exposi 
tion  in  Paris,  I  met  Dr.  Franz  Schneider,  whom  I  had 
known  in  London  and  who  had  been  a  reporter  in  six 
different  European  capitals,  one  after  the  other,  for 
the  progressive  Kolnischen  Zeitung,  and  who  urged 
me  strongly  to  write  my  memoirs  while  they  were  fresh 
in  my  mind,  and  was  of  the  opinion  that  they  would 
be  of  great  value  as  a  contribution  to  a  history  of  the 
times.  I  followed  his  advice,  grasped  my  pen  and  pre 
served  my  experiences  of  the  time  in  which  I  was 
writing  for  the  American  press  in  the  service  of  the 
German  Empire,  for  the  furtherance  of  a  good  under 
standing  between  the  two  lands,  without  dreaming 
what  an  almost  tragic  role  my  little  manuscript  was 
destined  to  have.  I  finished  it,  felt  my  heart  lighter 
for  the  work,  and  locked  it  in  my  trunk,  where  it  re 
mained — until  Washington  came  into  possession  of  it. 
I  can  do  no  better  than  rewrite  once  more  the  entire 
manuscript,  as  it  explains  later  events  and  throws  a 
light  on  the  machinations  which  ended  in  the  melodra 
matic  finale  of  Prince  Henry's  American  tour. 

The  head  of  the  American  Secret  Service,  John  E. 


I  MAKE  A  DECISION  25 

Wilkie,  in  Washington  (as  I  have  every  reason  to  be 
lieve},  has  brought  the  manuscript  to  the  knowledge 
of  the  members  of  the  Senate  and  House  Committee 
for  Foreign  Affairs,  and  to  those  in  still  higher  posi 
tions,  and  therefore  the  action  which  has  been  taken 
against  Dr.  von  Holleben. 

There  are  in  men's  lives  some  fateful  moments 
which,  with  their  surrounding  circumstances,  it  is  im 
possible  to  erase  from  the  human  mind.  Such  a  mo 
ment  happened  to  me  on  Saturday  afternoon,  the  23d 
of  April,  1898,  and  I  remember  to-day,  after  so  many 
years,  every  circumstance  as  clearly  and  distinctly  as 
if  it  had  been  yesterday.  I  was  at  that  time  sub-editor 
of  the  National  Vienna  Deutschen  Zeitung  and  had 
been  placed  at  the  head  of  their  information  bureau 
on  foreign  affairs.  As  the  only  member  of  the  edi 
torial  staff  who  was  not  an  Austrian,  I  experienced 
in  my  duties  as  reporter  much  open  and  hidden  antip 
athy  from  my  more  or  less  cherished  colleagues,  who 
had  never  been  farther  than  the  dust  of  their  beautiful 
capital  on  the  blue  Danube  and  whose  opinions  there 
fore  were  very  narrow  and  bigoted  as  far  as  anything 
outside  of  Austria  went.  A  sharp  disagreement  grew 
out  of  this,  which  suddenly  came  to  a  climax  on  that 
historically  memorable  day  of  which  I  spoke. 

As  the  telegram  from  the  K.  K.  Telegraph  Corre 
spondent's  office  left  no  further  doubt  that  the  war 
which  was  brewing  at  the  time  of  the  explosion  of  the 
Maine  in  the  harbour  of  Havana  had  become  unavoid 
able;  yes,  had  practically  already  begun,  even  though 
the  official  declaration  of  war  had  not  been  pronounced, 
so  the  Spanish- American  conflict  was  the  logical  theme 
for  the  leading  editorial,  and  it  fell  to  my  share  to 
write  it.  I  was  already  quite  advanced  with  my  work 


26  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

when  the  publisher,  Dr.  Theodor  Waehner,  a  well- 
meaning  but  rather  narrow-minded  man,  appeared. 
Then  followed  this  somewhat  dramatic  dialogue : 

Dr.  Waehner :  "Well,  gentlemen,  what  are  we  writ 
ing  about  to-day?" 

I :  "Doctor,  war  is  here.  I  have  already  begun  an 
article." 

Dr.  Waehner :  "But  naturally  we  cannot  permit  the 
Americans  to  send  their  fleet  to  Europe  and  close  up 
the  Spanish  harbours." 

I :  "You  are  in  a  good  humour  to-day,  doctor,  but, 
speaking  seriously,  I  am  making  it  plain  in  my  article 
that  our  sympathies  are  with  America." 

Dr.  Waehner:  "You  cannot  possibly  mean  that! 
You  are  joking  with  me,  are  you  not?" 

I :  "Not  in  the  least.  I  have,  as  you  know,  lived 
in  America,  know  the  circumstances  and  cannot  write 
against  America." 

Dr.  Waehner :  "That  will  not  do  under  any  circum 
stances!  The  Queen  Regent  of  Spain  is  an  Austrian 
Archduchess;  the  Austrians  are  a  Catholic  people  like 
the  Spaniards  and  will  stand  on  the  side  of  the  people 
of  their  faith;  besides,  America  is  a  republic,  and  as 
loyal  subjects  of  a  monarch-ruled  land  we  may  not 
sympathise  with  a  republic.  Therefore,  it  must  not 
be  so!  We  are  for  Spain  and  against  America!" 

I :  "I  am  very  sorry  not  to  be  able  to  share  your 
view-point,  and  must  beg  you,  therefore,  to  seek  an 
other  editor  to  write  such  articles." 

With  these  words  I  tore  up  the  article  begun  by 
me  and  threw  it  into  the  waste  basket,  reached  for  my 
hat  and  cane  and  prepared  to  leave  the  room,  when 
Dr.  Waehner  hurried  after  me  and  begged  me  to  dis 
cuss  my  views  at  an  editorial  conference.  There  was 
a  stormy  explanation  which  ended  by  my  being  given 


I  MAKE  A  DECISION  27 

a  free  hand  to  write  as  I  thought  best.  In  the  end  Dr. 
Waehner,  who  liked  a  good  drink,  had  a  bottle  of  Hen- 
nessy  Cognac  brought.  We  smoked  a  cigar  of  peace, 
and  harmony  was  again  restored.  I  returned  to  my 
place,  took  out  of  the  basket  the  torn  manuscript,  pasted 
each  part  carefully  together  and  finished  my  article, 
though  still  under  great  excitement. 

It  appeared  in  the  Sunday  edition  of  the  Deutschen 
Zeitung  of  April  24th,  1898,  and  is  given  below  in  its 
full  verbal  contents,  not  only  because  it  throws  a  strong 
light  on  the  then  existing  anti-American  feeling  in  the 
German  lands,  but  more  because  it  was  followed  by 
the  political  consequences  of  the  first  degree,  such  as 
the  earnest  danger  of  a  war  between  America  and  Ger 
many,  and  the  case  without  precedent  in  the  annals  of 
German  diplomatic  history  of  the  dismissal  of  the  Im 
perial  Ambassador  to  Washington.  I  admit  frankly 
that  if  I  had  been  able  to  look  into  the  future  my  article 
would  never  have  seen  the  light  of  day.  It  ran : 

FOR    OR    AGAINST    AMERICA 

Vienna,  23  April,  1898. 

Our  readers  know  that  it  has  been  the  policy  of  the  Deut 
schen  Zeitung  first  to  point  out  the  disgraceful  proceedings 
in  the  murder  case  of  Lattimer  in  Pennsylvania,  and  ener 
getically  demand  the  interference  of  the  government  in  be 
half  of  the  murdered  and  wounded  subjects  of  our  monarchy. 
This  should,  properly  speaking,  have  been  the  duty  of  the 
Social  Democrat  and  Slav  Hungarian  Press,  as  those  slaugh 
tered  at  Hazleton  were  mostly  Slavs  and  Magyar  workmen; 
but,  as  is  so  often  the  case,  Germany  fulfilled  the  duty  of 
the  Magyars  and  Slavs,  as  these  did  not  raise  their  pens  in 
behalf  of  their  brethren  maliciously  shot  down  in  a  foreign 
land.  Our  readers  will  further  remember  that  at  the  end 
of  the  Lattimer  trial,  as  well  as  at  the  yearly  report  of  the 
New  York  German  Society,  we  most  emphatically  advised 
against  any  further  emigration  to  the  United  States,  and 
recommended  South  America  as  the  most  promising  field, 
as  the  German  emigrants  there  help  their  nationality,  while 
in  the  United  States  they  run  the  danger  of  losing  their 


28  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

Germanism  (Deutschtum).  If  to-day  one  will  look  back  on 
these  facts  it  will  be  impossible  to  accuse  me  of  prejudice 
toward  the  North  American  Republic.  But  the  same  feeling 
of  justice  which  urged  me  to  interfere  on  behalf  of  the  Slavs 
and  Magyars,  which  the  year  before  moved  me  to  uphold 
Crete  and  Greece,  forces  us  to-day,  since  a  war  has  broken 
out  between  the  United  States  and  Spain,  to  disclose  openly 
and  honourably  our  views.  In  so  doing  I  lay  myself  open 
to  the  danger  of  being  again  alone  in  my  opinion  and  of 
drawing  upon  myself  the  anger  of  the  so-called  national 
publications  who  pretend  to  express  the  unexpressed  rights 
and  wishes  of  the  body  politic. 

It  is  one  of  the  saddest  and  most  revolting  exhibitions  of 
public  life  that  the  political  Pharisees  and  hypocrites  have 
taken  the  occasion  of  this  war  for  regular  orgies.  Without 
respect  to  their  political  leanings,  nearly  all  the  newspapers 
of  the  European  countries  have  given  themselves  over  to 
hounding  in  the  most  shameless  manner  the  North  American 
Republic.  Liberal,  conservative  and  clerical  organs,  pro-  and 
anti-Semitic,  as  well  as  "nationalist"  organs,  have  joined  to 
fly  at  poor  Uncle  Sam,  whose  politics  are  branded  as  "a  naked, 
brutal  programme  of  conquest,"  the  meanest  lawlessness,  the 
most  open  greed  for  plunder.  Strangely  enough,  these  same 
papers  that  take  an  entirely  different  attitude  in  regard  to 
the  foreign  policy  of  their  own  countries,  in  that  they  praise 
and  justify  in  them  exactly  what  they  damn  in  the  United 
States.  Only  a  few  days  ago,  a  respectable  German  paper 
demanded  that  the  German  Empire  should  be  the  sole  ruler 
of  the  Samoan  Islands,  as  German  trade  there  in  the  past 
few  years  had  almost  entirely  dwindled.  But  this  same  paper 
makes  the  most  violent  accusations  about  the  robber  inten 
tions  of  America  toward  Cuba,  although  the  value  of  Ameri 
can  exports  to  the  "Pearl  of  the  Antilles"  is  immeasurably 
greater  than  Germany's  to  Samoa.  Therefore,  the  harm 
that  United  States  commerce  has  sustained  is  unquestionably 
greater.  At  this  moment,  the  partition  of  the  Chinese  Empire 
into  European  spheres  of  interest,  the  so-called  "lease  of 
Chinese  provinces  for  99  years,"  is  proceeding;  and  even  to 
the  accompaniment  of  strenuous  appeals  from  the  very  same 
press  which  thunders  against  the  "law-breaking,  plunder-mad, 
brutal  Yankee  nation."  In  the  opinion  of  all  impartial  per 
sons,  however,  the  legal  right  of  the  North  American  Union 
is  de  facto  far  clearer  than  that  of  all  other  governments 
taken  together,  the  German  included,  which  to-day  are  carv 
ing  out  from  the  Chinese  Empire  the  fattest  bits  to  satisfy 
their  land  hunger. 


I  MAKE  A  DECISION  29 

The  logic  of  these  sheets,  however,  is  that  what  Europe 
should  be  allowed  to  do  in  China,  America  should  be  forbid 
den  to  do  in  Cuba.  The  inconsistency  of  such  logic  should  be 
apparent  to  every  one.  Should  the  North  American  Union 
in  reality  wish  to  annex  Cuba,  she  would  have  the  greatest 
right  to  do  so,  on  geographic,  political,  commercial,  humani 
tarian  and  other  grounds.  But  the  Union  has  no  thought 
of  doing  so,  for,  as  President  McKinley  to-day  remarked  to 
a  Times  correspondent,  he  and  the  United  States  were  bound 
by  a  solemn  oath  not  to  annex  Cuba  under  any  circumstances. 
The  annexation  of  Cuba  would  be  dishonourable.  It  was  all 
a  matter  of  humanity,  and  his  object  was  to  free  Cuba  from 
Spanish  rule.  Cuba  was  to  be  a  Republic,  under  the  protec 
tion  of  America,  but  he  hoped  that  it  would  not  long  be 
necessary  to  keep  American  troops  in  Cuba.  This  is  the 
promise  of  the  President,  who  has,  until  now,  in  his  whole 
political  career,  shown  himself  to  be  a  clever,  thoughtful,  and, 
above  all,  an  honest  man.  There  is  no  possible  reason  not  to 
accept  his  words  as  truth.  However,  should  circumstances 
arise  stronger  than  the  human  will,  it  would  be,  from  our 
point  of  view,  the  greatest  good  luck  for  Cuba  to  be  placed 
as  a  star  in  the  American  flag,  and  have  a  part  in  the  bless 
ings  of  progress  and  culture  which  have  so  long  been  de 
nied  her. 

Our  sympathies  in  this  war  belong  to  the  Union,  which 
is  so  largely  composed  of  the  German  element  that  New 
York,  after  Berlin  and  Vienna,  is  the  largest  German  city 
in  the  world.  What  family  in  the  German  Empire,  or  in 
Austria,  has  not  dear  relations  or  friends  who  live  "over 
there"  (driiben)  on  the  other  side  of  the  great  water,  and 
who  now,  perhaps,  are  preparing  to  shed  their  blood  for  their 
adopted  fatherland !  Also,  commercially  speaking,  we  should 
be  careful  not  to  set  the  United  States  against  us  or  to  treat 
it  en  bagatelle,  as  from  time  immemorial  our  most  important 
export  trade  has  been  in  that  direction. 

And  this  is  the  moment  to  weigh  our  viewpoints  with 
those  of  the  warring  powers.  The  great  North  American 
Republic  is  a  handwriting  on  the  wall  for  all  European 
princes  and  governments  who  are  steering  toward  absolutism. 
Without  union  it  would  go  hard  for  the  commoners  in  Europe 
to-day.  We  think  we  are  not  mistaken  when  we  take  it  for 
granted  that  the  sympathies  of  all  the  friends  of  freedom 
will  stand  on  the  side  of  the  United  States,  who,  in  the 
Spanish-American  war,  has  been  called  to  punish  Spain  for 
her  many  hundred  years  of  misrule,  as  well  in  her  former 
colonies  as  in  Cuba. 


30  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

It  is  difficult  to-day  to  imagine  what  a  sensation  was 
caused  in  both  hemispheres  by  this  article.  It  was 
cabled  intact  to  America  and  caused  there  as  much 
pleasurable  surprise  as  in  the  higher  circles  of  Berlin 
and  Vienna  it  aroused  anger  and  ill  temper.  I  am  not 
a  vain,  self -appreciative  man,  and  do  not  enjoy  blow 
ing  my  own  horn;  but  no  one  who  reads  the  article 
with  critical  eyes  can  deny  that  in  those  stormy  days 
I  was  the  only  journalist  who  warned  the  German 
press  of  the  danger  of  throwing  mud  at  the  United 
States  in  her  hour  of  danger.  My  voice  remained  as 
of  one  crying  in  the  wilderness.  If  it  had  been  heard, 
the  German  Empire  would  have  stood  to-day  as  the 
first  and  only  friend  of  America,  and  the  disgust 
ing  spectacle  would  have  been  spared  the  world  of  wit 
nessing  the  humiliating  pursuit  and  a  cringing  court 
ship  of  American  goodwill,  which  has  been  the  cult 
of  German  politicians  since  the  Spanish-American  war. 

The  morning  after  the  appearance  of  my  article 
the  publisher  of  the  Deutschen  Zeitung  received  a 
letter  of  thanks  from  Carl  Baily  Hurst,  the  American 
consul-general  in  Vienna,  and  in  the  next  few  months 
I  became  acquainted  with  the  business  manager  of 
the  American  Embassy,  Charles  D.  Herdliska,  who 
talked  with  me  openly  and  frankly  about  the  situation 
on  both  sides  of  the  ocean  and  finally  awakened  the 
idea  in  my  mind  of  settling  in  Washington  as  a  cor 
respondent  reporter  for  the  papers  of  the  German 
Empire,  Austria  and  Switzerland. 

I  should  have  to  go  beyond  the  limits  of  this  state 
ment  were  I  even  to  try  to  give  extracts  of  the  tone  of 
the  German  press  during  the  first  months  of  the  war. 
It  is  only  necessary  to  determine  the  irrefutable  fact 
that  a  furious  storm  of  immeasurable  hate,  of  irra- 


I  MAKE  A  DECISION  31 

tional  ill-will  and  envy,  broke  out  against  the  United 
States  through  the  German  newspapers,  and  that  it 
was  precisely  those  which  stood  nearest  to  the  gov-l 
ernment  that  were  the  loudest  in  their  denunciation? 
of  America.  The  unfortunate  Dewey-Diederichs  epi 
sode  at  Manila,  where  the  fault  lay  on  the  German 
side,  as  I  was  later  told  in  privacy  by  Dr.  A.  von 
Mumm,  only  caused  more  oil  to  be  thrown  on  the  fire, 
and  the  unfriendly  attitude  of  the  Germans  found  an 
echo  in  the  American  press,  whose  Berlin  correspon 
dent,  Wolf  von  Schierbrand,  as  a  representative  of  the 
Associated  Press,  faithfully  cabled  every  hateful  news 
paper  article  as  symptomatic  of  the  feelings  of  the  Ger 
man  Empire.* 

Thus  a  state  of  things  was  brought  about  which 
allowed  the  worst  to  be  feared  for  the  future.  At  this 
time  I  exchanged  opinions  with  the  American  consul 
to  Vienna,  Mr.  Charles  B.  Herdliska,  of  a  plan  for  the 

*  These  unfriendly  editorials  from  the  German  newspapers 
are  copied  at  every  fitting  and  unfitting  opportunity  by  the 
American  press.  Especially  notable  in  this  regard  is  the  New 
York  Herald,  in  whose  columns,  at  different  times,  I  have 
run  across  the  following  excerpts  from  German  papers : 

The  Cologne  Zeitung  wrote,  on  April  22,  1898: 

"Our  sympathy  belongs  to  Spain,  because  she  represents 
international  law." 

The  Kreutzzeitung  of  April  28th: 

"The  lowest  motives  brought  about  this  war."  Of  April 
27th :  "Open  greed  for  plunder  occasioned  this  war." 

The  Vossische  Zeitung  of  April  8th : 

"The  American  people  have  not  the  right  to  assume  at 
once  the  role  of  judge  and  dictator."  Of  April  loth:  "The 
whole  American  republic  was  founded  upon  the  violation  of 
the  rights  of  other  peoples." 

The  Taegliche  Rundschau: 

"American  politicians  are  pocketbook  patriots,  who  allow 
themselves  to  be  bought  and  sold  by  the  industrial  million 
aires.  Their  God  is  Mammon,  and  they  betray  their  own 
country." 


32  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

publication  of  a  Washington  correspondence  for  the 
German  press.  Mr.  Herdliska  assured  me  that  the  ad 
ministration  at  Washington  would  look  upon  such  a 
plan  with  favour,  and  further  promised  me  the  whole 
influence  of  the  Embassy  in  the  American  capital 
towards  the  success  of  my  undertaking.  Who  will 
blame  me  when  by  degrees  I  came  to  believe  (I  write 
this  in  the  light  of  later  experiences)  that  I  was  called 
to  bridge  over  the  differences  between  the  two  related 
peoples  and  to  bring  about,  at  least  in  the  press,  a 
better  understanding?  I  got  the  opinion  of  most  of 
the  journalists  in  Vienna  as  to  a  Washington  corre 
spondence,  and  almost  universally  received  encourag 
ing  and  friendly  words.  As  the  Berlin  Foreign  Office 
and  its  satellites  later  sought  to  destroy  my  credibility, 
it  seems  appropriate  to  give  verbatim  some  of  the 
acquiescent  letters  which  I  received. 

Mr.  Moritz  Ring,  editor  of  the  Neuen  Wiener  Tag- 
blatt,  wrote  me  under  date  of  September  5th,  i! 


"Dear  Sir: 

"The  news  of  your  proposed  journalistic  undertaking  in 
Washington  I  hold  to  be  a  thoroughly  good  idea,  and  there 
can  be  no  doubt  of  its  usefulness.  Your  proposed  plan,  as 
well  as  your  former  public  activities,  and  also  your  person 
ality,  ought  to  be  an  assurance  of  the  success  of  your  under 
taking.  Be  assured  that  I  shall  be  ready  to  recommend  your 
work  in  the  circle  of  my  journalistic  friends." 

I  had  similar  expressions  from  Dr.  Johannes  Meisz- 
ner,  editor  of  the  Kolnischen  Zeitung,  H.  Greindl, 
editor  of  the  Hamburger  Nachrichten,  Paul  Dehn  of 
Friedman,  near  Berlin,  one  of  the  confidential  jour 
nalists  of  the  Foreign  Office,  and  other  well-known 
men.  From  the  American  Consul  in  Berlin  I  received 
the  following  note,  which  speaks  for  itself : 


I  MAKE  A  DECISION  33 

"Legation  of  the  United  States  of  America, 

"Vienna,  Austria,  September  7,  1898. 
"Dear  Sir: 

"I  have  your  letter  of  the  3ist  of  August,  1898,  informing 
me  of  your  intention  to  establish  a  newspaper  agency  in 
Washington,  the  Washington  Correspondence,  for  the  supply 
of  the  Press  in  the  German  Empire,  Austria-Hungary,  and 
Switzerland. 

"I  quite  agree  with  you  that  the  present  juncture  is  highly 
favourable  for  such  a  venture,  which,  if  properly  worked, 
ought  certainly  to  exercise  a  favourable  influence  in  the  di 
rection  of  developing  in  all  spheres  the  existing  friendly  rela 
tions  between  the  United  States  and  the  German-speaking 
countries  of  Europe.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  European 
public  opinion  on  American  affairs  is  far  from  being  as 
enlightened  and  well-informed  as  could  be  desired,  and  that 
your  proposed  agency  might  do  great  service  in  the  pre 
vention  and  removal  of  prejudices,  difficulties  and  misun 
derstandings  calculated  to  damage  the  interests  of  the  Old 
World  no  less  than  those  of  the  New. 

"The  good  impression  produced  upon  me  by  your  knowl 
edge  of  our  affairs,  as  well  as  by  your  newspaper  articles, 
justifies  me  in  wishing  you  every  success  in  your  enterprise, 
and  in  anticipating  from  it  a  useful  influence  upon  public 
opinion  in  the  sphere  to  which  it  will  extend. 

"I  remain 

"Yours  very  sincerely, 

"CHARLES  V.  HERDLISKA, 
"Charge  d'Affaires  ad  interim  of  the  United  States  in  Vienna." 

I  also  further  received  from  Mr.  Herdliska  a  letter 
of  introduction  to  the  Secretary  of  State  in  Washing 
ton,  Mr.  John  Hay,  which  was  expressed  in  the  warm 
est  terms.  Mr.  Greindl  took  occasion  to  discuss  my 
plans  with  the  German  Embassy  in  Vienna,  and  later 
told  me  that  the  First  Counsellor  of  the  Embassy, 
Prince  Lychnowski,  had  recommended  my  plan  to 
Berlin. 

In  the  beginning  of  October,  1898,  I  left  Vienna 
with  my  family  and  began  my  journey  to  Washing 
ton,  filled  with  the  highest  hopes.  On  my  way  I 
stopped  off  first  at  Berlin,  where  I  presented  a  letter  of 


34  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

introduction  to  the  then  chief  editor  of  the  Norddeut- 
schen  Allgemeinen  Zeitung,  Mr.  William  Lauser.  Mr 
Lauser,  who  during  his  whole  life  has  been  a  "pa 
triotic  reptile,"  that  is,  has  used  his  pen  first  for  this 
and  then  for  the  other  government,  gave  me  a  most 
hearty  welcome  and  expressed  himself  with  rather 
startling  openness  about  high  and  the  highest  persons. 
Of  Ambassador  von  Holleben  he  told  me  that  he  was 
from  Stuttgart,  where  his  excellency  had  formerly 
been  the  Prussian  Ambassador,  and  that  he  was  a  good 
friend  of  his.  "Mr.  von  Holleben  used  often  to  come 
to  the  press  office,"  he  added,  with  an  amused  wink, 
"and  we  had  many  a  chat  whenever  his  circumstances 
allowed  him  time  for  it.  He  is  living  now  in  Berlin 
at  the  Hotel  Bristol,  and  I  advise  you,  decidedly,  dur 
ing  your  stay  here,  to  present  yourself  to  him." 

In  the  further  pursuance  of  our  conversation,  I 
made  known  to  Mr.  Lauser  my  plan  to  establish  a 
newspaper  agency  in  Washington.  This  confession 
seemed  to  stagger  him.  He  hesitated  a  moment  and 
then  asked  whether  I  knew  Mr.  Paul  Haedicke,  who 
belonged  to  the  staff  of  the  Norddeutschen  Allgemei 
nen  Zeitung. 

"Only  by  hearsay,"  I  replied,  and  did  not  say  that  I 
had  not  heard  the  best  about  Mr.  Haedicke  during 
his  former  residence  in  Chicago. 

"Haedicke  is  a  clever  fellow,"  remarked  Mr. 
Lauser.  "He  published  in  the  Kreuszeitung  letters 
entitled  'During  my  Exile  in  America,'  and  through 
them  has  wron  the  goodwill  of  the  inner  masgebenden 
circle  of  the  Wilhelmstrasse." 

A  short  pause  followed,  then  he  turned  suddenly 
to  me  with  the  words : 

"Your  plan  to  establish  a  correspondence  in  Wash 
ington  has  in  a  measure  surprised  me.  I  believe  that 


I  MAKE  A  DECISION  35 

I  ought  to  say  to  you  that  for  some  time  I  have  been 
working  on  the  founding  of  a  society  for  the  laying 
of  a  German- Atlantic  cable  to  America  and  that  I 
have  about  accomplished  it.  I  must  hope  that  your 
plans  will  coincide  with  mine  and  that  we  will  be  able 
to  find  a  common  ground,  so  our  interests  can  work 
together.  And  one  thing  more — do  not  forget  to  speak 
of  this  at  the  Foreign  Office." 

I  decided  to  follow  Mr.  Lauser's  advice.  I  sought 
Dr.  von  Holleben  at  the  Hotel  Bristol  and  laid  my 
plans  briefly  before  him.  "Dr.  Lauser  has  already 
spoken  to  me  about  you,"  he  began.  "I  am  pleased 
that  the  Americans  take  such  an  interest  in  the  further 
ance  of  friendly  relationship  between  the  Old  and  the 
New  World,  and  I  am  ready  to  support  your  under 
taking  in  every  possible  way.  As  I  am  to  remain  here 
several  weeks  longer,  I  will  in  the  meantime  recom 
mend  you  to  my  First  Secretary,  Baron  von  Sternburg, 
Do  you  know,  possibly,  Mr.  Reginald  Schroder,  the 
Washington  correspondent  of  the  New  Yorker  Staats- 
Zeitungf  He  is  a  many-sided  and  useful  man,  who 
has  been  very  serviceable  to  the  Embassy." 

I  replied  that  I  had  several  times  met  this  gentle 
man,  but  that  in  reality  I  knew  nothing  further  of 
him  than  that  he  had  the  questionable  renown  of  hav 
ing  been  the  grave  digger  of  Frank  Leslie's  Deutscher 
Illustrierter  Zeitung. 

"I  see  that  you  have  been  well-informed,"  remarked 
the  minister.  "Do  you  also  know  Count  Seckendorff?" 

"Was  he  not  formerly  a  German  naval  officer,  with 
a  rather  romantic  history,  who  represented  the  New 
York  Tribune  in  Washington?"  was  my  counter-ques 
tion. 

My  answer  seemed  to  surprise  him.  He  adjusted 
his  eye  glasses,  examined  me  penetratingly  and  re- 


36  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

marked,  after  a  pause,  while  he  extended  his  hand  to 
me :  "Well,  I  am  very  pleased  to  have  made  your  ac 
quaintance.  I  will  see  you  again  in  Washington." 

The  Foreign  Office,  when  I  presented  myself  there, 
showed  that  it  was  already  informed,  through  Dr. 
Lauser  and  Dr.  von  Holleben,  of  my  plans,  and  prom 
ised  to  bear  my  undertaking  in  mind. 

Just  at  this  time  the  memoirs  of  Busch  were  pub 
lished  in  London.  They  were  the  sensation  of  the 
day  and  wherever  I  might  be  in  conversation  the  talk 
was  sure  to  turn  on  the  disclosures  of  Bismarck's 
former  secretary.  So  it  was  also  at  the  American  Em 
bassy,  where  I  presented  a  letter  of  introduction  to 
the  First  Secretary,  Mr.  Jackson  Brinckerhoff,  which 
had  been  given  me  by  one  of  my  Vienna  colleagues. 
Mr.  Brinckerhoff  was  charmed  to  make  my  acquaint 
ance,  wished  for  my  undertaking  every  possible  suc 
cess,  but  added  that  he  had  no  idea  that  a  bush  of  that 
sort  could  grow  and  prosper  on  American  soil. 

Hardly  three  months  had  passed  after  this  conver 
sation  when  I  found  myself  attached  to  the  German 
Embassy  in  Washington  for  "press  affairs,"  as  the  ex 
pression  there  is,  and  drew  my  income  from  the  se 
cret  disposition  fund  in  Berlin,  for  services  which  were 
not  very  different  from  those  which  Moritz  Busch  had 
rendered  to  Germany's  first  chancellor. 

How  I  had  been  prevented  from  accomplishing  my 
original  idea,  namely,  that  of  a  German  news  corre 
spondent,  and  how  it  came  about  that  for  more  than 
a  year  I  played  the  role  of  a  Moritz  Busch  in  the  Amer 
ican  capital,  will  be  seen  in  the  following  recital : 


CHAPTER    IV 

I    EXPERIENCE    AMERICAN    JOURNALISM 

At  Herr  von  Holleben's  request,  I  draw  up  a  memorandum 
for  the  Foreign  Office  in  Berlin. — Dilatory  tactics  of  his 
excellency. — Paul  Haedicke's  dual  role. — The  Wolff  Bureau 
realises  my  plan. — Herr  von  Holleben  attaches  me  to  the 
Embassy  for  newspaper  work. — General  instructions. — 
How  Herr  von  Holleben  was  deceived  by  a  western  jour 
nalist. — Uncle  Sam's  American  eagle. — "American  German 
Review." — My  mission  to  the  New  York  Sun. — Good  eti 
quette  in  dealing  with  the  press. 

ARRIVED  in  Washington,  I  soon  discovered  that  my 
hopes  and  expectations  which  had  carried  me  across 
the  ocean  were  entirely  premature  and  that  a  little  dip 
lomatic  comedy  was  being  played  in  which  I  was  to 
fill  the  part  of  the  dupe.  Mr.  von  Sternburg  received 
me,  however,  I  am  pleased  to  acknowledge,  in  a  most 
friendly  manner,  but  told  me  at  once  that  he  had  re 
ceived  the  most  categorical  instructions  from  the  min 
ister  to  persuade  me  to  take  no  step  in  my  plans  as 
to  a  "Washington  correspondence"  before  his  excel 
lency's  arrival.  Then  Mr.  von  Holleben  returned  to 
Washington  and  tried  to  persuade  me  to  make  out  a 
record  for  the  use  of  the  Foreign  Office  in  Berlin  and  to 
develop  therein  my  programme  for  a  correspondence. 
I  acceded  to  this,  but  after  a  time  my  manuscript  was 
returned  to  me  with  handwritten  remarks  of  error 
from  the  Ambassador  and  on  account  of  these  I  was 
requested  to  rewrite  it.  Several  more  weeks  passed; 
then  suddenly  one  day  I  was  summoned  to  go  to  New 

37 


38  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

York  to  meet  there  a  secret-service  man  from  the  For 
eign  Office,  who  had  just  arrived  from  Germany,  and 
confer  with  him.  I  went  to  New  York  and  found 
that  the  secret-service  man  from  the  Foreign  Office 
was  no  other  than  the  editor  of  the  semi-official  Con 
tinental  Telegraph  Company  (Wolff's  Bureau),  Mr. 
Paul  Haedicke,  who  between  ourselves  admitted  that 
he  had  been  sent  to  America  to  exercise  a  control  over 
the  Associated  Press,  in  whose  office  in  the  New  York 
Central  he  opened  his  bureau ;  and  further,  that  at  my 
suggestion  he  was  going  to  develop  an  edition  of  a 
German- American  news  correspondence.  He  congrat 
ulated  me  in  a  cynical  manner  on  my  clever  idea,  which 
had  so  well  pleased  the  Foreign  Office  that  it  immedi 
ately  decided  to  trust  no  one  else  with  the  publication 
except  those  belonging  to  the  official  Wolff's  Bureau. 
I  returned  to  Washington  out  of  temper  and  de 
clared  to  my  friends  there  that  I  saw  in  the  develop 
ment  of  my  scheme  by  Wolf's  Bureau  a  shameless 
steal,  against  which  I  should  defend  myself  with  all 
the  means  of  law.  This  happened  on  a  Saturday.  On 
Monday  I  was  summoned  by  special  letter  to  the  Em 
bassy,  where  Mr.  von  Holleben  offered  me  the  posi 
tion  of  "Press  Attache"  in  the  service  of  the  Embassy, 
and  in  this  capacity  to  develop  a  better  understand 
ing  between  America  and  Germany.  As  a  monthly 
stipend  for  my  services  I  was  to  receive  one  hundred 
and  fifty  dollars.  Under  the  circumstances,  there  was 
hardly  anything  for  me  to  do  but  accept  the  offer. 
Also  the  journalist  instinct  in  me  was  aroused,  which 
assured  me  that  I  would  have  a  rare  opportunity  of  an 
insight  into  the  inner  workings  of  diplomacy,  which 
I  must  not  thrust  aside.  Certainly  among  the  army 
of  correspondents  in  Washington  there  were  few  who 
would  have  refused !  I  cannot  assert  that  any  sud- 


I  EXPERIENCE  AMERICAN  JOURNALISM      39 

den  calling  to  the  rank  and  character  of  an  officer 
of  the  Embassy  gave  me  particular  pleasure  or  sense 
of  sufficiency,  but  I  did  believe  that  in  this  new  posi 
tion  I  should  be  able  to  do  my  small  part  in  the  pro 
motion  of  friendship  between  the  two  peoples. 

The  political  horizon  was  just  at  this  time  heavy 
with  clouds.  .The  violent  press  campaigns  which  had 
preceded  the  Spanish-American  war  were  continued 
with  even  greater  impetuosity,  not  ceasing  even  after 
the  peace  declaration,  and  widening  the  breach  between 
the  two  lands  to  the  uttermost,  and  a  great  number 
of  American  newspapers  openly  demanded  war  with 
Germany.  It  was  only  too  well  known  to  me  person 
ally  that  the  attitude  taken  by  the  American  press 
against  Germany  was  not  without  cause. 

As  the  irony  of  fate  would  have  it,  I  was  chosen 
as  "Press  Attache"  of  the  German  Embassy  in  Amer 
ica  to  smooth  over  what  the  German  press  in  its  blind 
envy,  in  order  to  please  the  mighty  in  Wilhelmstrasse, 
had  brought  about. 

In  entering  upon  my  duties  I  received  general  in 
structions  to  make  every  effort  to  make  the  papers 
keep  silence  which  were  antagonistic  to  Germany  and 
to  perform  the  miracle  of  turning  them  from  bitter 
opponents  to  friends  and  admirers  of  the  Emperor,  as  ^ 
well  as  also  to  make  it  appear  that  the  real  enemy  of 
the  United  States  was  not  Germany  but  England.  I 
found  this  duty  in  no  sense  easy.  The  government, 
as  well  as  the  greater  part  of  the  American  people, 
were  suspicious  of  the  German  Empire  and  its  poli 
tics,  and  the  Anglo-American  press  was  only  too  true 
a  mirror  of  this  distrust.  In  the  administration  circle 
no  bones  were  made  of  the  idea  that  America's  next 
war  would  be  with  Germany,  and  even  the  personnel 
of  the  German  Embassy  was  fully  convinced  likewise. 


40  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

I  myself  once  heard  a  young  reporter  of  the  New  York 
Sun  declaring  to  the  chancellor  of  the  Embassy,  Mr. 
Kinne,  in  hoarse  words :  "All  your  fine  words  will  not 
help  you.  You  are  now  in  the  same  position  as  Spain 
before  the  war."  As  a  punishment  for  his  forward 
ness,  the  door  ever  afterward  was  closed  to  the  imper 
tinent  youth,  but  the  sting  of  his  remark  remained, 
and  what  he  had  openly  said  the  whole  of  Washington 
thought  in  secret,  though  silence  was  imposed  for  offi 
cial  reasons. 

Under  such  auspices  I  began  my  work.  The  per 
sonal  attacks  of  the  three  Washington  papers  to  which 
he  was  almost  daily  exposed  were  particularly  unpleas 
ant  and  burdensome  to  the  Ambassador.  One  of  the 
first  duties  which  I  received  from  his  excellency  was 
to  use  the  power  of  my  persuasion  on  the  editors-in- 
chief  of  these  sheets  and  have  the  attacks  cease.  That 
in  part  I  was  successful  in  this  undertaking  I  owe  to 
the  kindly  trouble  of  Count  M.  G.  Seckendorff,  a 
younger  brother  of  the  former  court  marshal  of  the 
late  Empress  Friederich,  who  for  many  years  had  been 
at  the  head  of  the  Washington  office  of  the  influential 
New  York  Tribune,  and  who  as  such  had  the  un 
bounded  confidence  of  the  American  authorities  in  the 
capital.  As  a  personal  friend  of  Dr.  von  Holleben,  he 
had  already  shown  him  many  a  favour  in  the  press 
before  I  undertook  my  office  and  he  stood  by  me,  I 
am  pleased  to  make  known,  ready  with  help  and  advice. 

As  it  was  absolutely  necessary  for  the  success  of 
my  mission  that  the  nature  of  my  relations  to  the  Em 
bassy  should  remain  a  profound  secret,  I  was  enrolled 
by  the  Ambassador,  at  the  suggestion  of  Mr.  von  Stern- 
burg,  as  a  Washington  special  correspondent  of  the 
N ' orddeutschen  Allgemeinen  Zeitung,  and  in  this  char 
acter  I  associated  with  the  American  journalists,  whose 


I  EXPERIENCE  AMERICAN  JOURNALISM      41 

acquaintance  I  made  use  of  for  the  service  of  the  Am 
bassador.  Count  Seckendorff  knew  of  the  secret  and 
gave  me  letters  of  introduction  to  the  publishers,  per 
sonally  known  to  him,  of  the  Washington  Evening 
Star  and  the  Evening  Post,  in  which  he  introduced 
me  as  the  special  correspondent  of  the  Norddeutschen 
Allgemeinen  Zeitung  and  asked  if  opportunity  might 
be  given  me  to  reply  in  the  columns  of  their  papers 
to  the  frequently  wrong  views  of  the  editors  on  Ger 
man  politics.  The  reception  given  me  by  Mr.  Beriah 
Wilkins,  the  owner  of  the  Washington  Post,  was  not 
particularly  encouraging.  He  greeted  me  very  cor 
dially,  but  said  that  according  to  his  own  experiences 
in  Germany  he  was  not  able  to  believe  the  honourable 
intentions  of  the  German  love  suit,  because,  he  added, 
it  had  happened  to  him  while  on  his  travels,  in  Berlin 
hotels  and  other  large  towns  in  Germany,  that  Ger 
man  officers  had  left  his  table  in  demonstrative  fashion 
as  soon  as  they  knew  that  he  was  an  American. 

I  had  better  results  with  the  Washington  Evening 
Star,  to  whose  editor,  Mr.  Noyes,  I  also  handed  a  letter 
of  introduction  from  Count  Seckendorff.  Mr.  Noyes 
listened  to  me  sympathetically  and  after  that  interview 
there  were  no  further  personal  attacks  on  the  Ambas 
sador  in  the  Star. 

I  received  an  extremely  warm  welcome  from  the 
editor-in-chief  of  the  Washington  Times,  Mr.  Goldwin 
West.  This  paper,  which  up  to  that  time  had  been 
one  of  the  most  violent  opposers  of  the  Ambassador, 
published  on  the  morning  after  my  visit  an  article 
in  which  was  most  urgently  set  forth  the  necessity  for 
the  cultivation  of  friendly  relations  between  the  United 
States  and  the  German  Empire.  Later  I  arranged  a 
meeting  between  Mr.  West  and  Mr.  von  Holleben, 
which  was  very  satisfactory  for  both  sides.  As  Mr. 


42  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

West  later  confided  to  me  over  a  glass  of  beer,  ever 
since  that  interview  Mr.  von  Sternbnrg  had  been  a  fre 
quent  and  welcome  midnight  visitor  in  the  editorial 
sanctum  of  the  Washington  Times. 

While  I  am  speaking  of  the  local  Washington  press, 
I  will  recount  an  amusing  little  incident  of  how  the 
Ambassador  was  once  outwitted  by  a  crafty  American. 
After  the  foregoing  it  will  be  understood  how  much 
effort  Mr.  von  Holleben  must  have  used  to  have  ac 
quired  such  an  influence  over  the  Washington  daily 
papers  that  under  all  circumstances  they  were  at  his 
disposal.  He  took  hold  with  both  hands  when  a  jour 
nalist  by  the  name  of  W.  R.  Vaughan,  who  was  recom 
mended  to  him  by  a  western  senator,  approached  him 
and  proposed  to  publish  a  daily  paper  in  Washington 
in  which  his  excellency  could  use  as  much  white  paper 
as  he  wished.  As  capital  was  rather  short  for  a  be 
ginning,  he  trustfully  asked  the  Ambassador  to  help 
him.  On  the  22d  of  February,  1899,  there  actually 
appeared  the  first  number  of  Uncle  Sam's  American 
Eagle,  which  bore  the  name  of  Vaughan  as  editor  and 
publisher.  But  bitter  was  Mr.  von  Holleben's  dis 
appointment  when,  in  place  of  the  promised  daily,  he 
saw  an  unimportant  weekly  paper  whose  inner  sheets 
were  filled  with  cheap  platitudes.  But  it  must  be  con 
ceded  to  Mr.  Vaughan  that  he  gave  himself  great 
trouble  in  his  editorial  contributions  to  retain  the  good 
will  of  the  Ambassador.  In  long-winded  tirades  he 
announced  that  his  sheet  would  definitely  fight  any 
alliance  with  a  foreign  power  (namely,  England),  but, 
on  the  other  hand,  would  lay  every  stress  on  the  sub 
ject  of  friendship  with  Germany.  I  believe  that  Mr. 
von  Holleben  only  too  soon  began  to  feel  the  burden 
of  the  attention  shown  him  by  Uncle  Sams  American 
Eagle,  as  rarely  a  week  went  by  in  which  Mr.  Vaughan 


I  EXPERIENCE  AMERICAN  JOURNALISM      43 

did  not  express  the  modest  wish  to  his  excellency  of 
publishing  an  extra  edition  (a  single  number  at  five 
cents)  for  the  Embassy.  As  liberal  as  Chancellor 
Kinne  might  be  in  the  distribution  of  gratis  numbers 
of  the  paper,  there  still  remained  such  a  stack  of  them 
on  hand  that  for  years  to  come  all  the  needs  of  the 
Embassy's  personnel  were  covered. 

There  was  also  an  amusing  side  to  the  scheme  be 
tween  the  Ambassador  and  the  monthly  American- 
German  Review,  which  was  called  into  being  to  fleece 
the  lambs  on  both  sides  of  the  ocean  who  were  enthu 
siastic  over  a  better  understanding  between  Germany 
and  the  United  States.  The  name  of  its  publisher  was 
given  as  Henry  Charles,  a  pseudonym  behind  which 
was  hidden  an  extremely  good  business  man,  a  Jew, 
and  the  editor  was  Henry  W.  Fischer,  the  journalist, 
well-known  in  two  hemispheres,  who  later  published 
the  memoirs  of  "The  Private  Lives  of  Emperor  Wil 
liam  II  and  his  Consort,"  which  was  forbidden  in 
Germany.  In  the  whole  of  New  York,  collection  lists 
were  circulated  to  raise  a  fund  for  the  furtherance  of 
a  better  understanding  between  Germany  and  Amer 
ica,  and  most  of  the  German  Jew  bankers,  as  well  as 
multitudes  of  German- American  business  men  in  the 
metropolis  on  the  Hudson,  wrote  themselves  down  on 
the  list  for  considerable  sums.  The  undertaking  met 
with  the  approval  of  the  German  Chancellor,  who  in 
structed  the  Ambassador  to  further  it  under  all  circum 
stances.  Herr  von  Holleben  was  rather  embarrassed 
by  this  commission,  as  the  amount  allowed  him  for 
press  affairs  was  already  exhausted.  What  could  he 
do  under  the  circumstances? 

"Do  you  know,  excellency,"  he  was  advised  by  Mr. 
"Charles"  at  this  difficult  time,  "you  will  get  into  a 
carriage  with  me  and  we  will  drive  together  to  the  New 


44  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

York  German  Jew  bankers,  to  whom  I  will  introduce 
you  as  his  excellency,  the  Ambassador  of  the  German 
Empire,  who  will  have  the  kindness  to  affirm  to  the 
bankers  (Herren  Bankiers)  that  his  highness,  the  Ger 
man  Chancellor  in  Berlin,  is  very  anxious  for  the  con 
tinuance  of  the  American-German  Review,  but  that  the 
means  at  the  disposal  of  the  German  Empire  are  lack 
ing  to  assist  the  Review,  and  that  the  Herren  Bankiers 
will  assist  the  good  understanding  between  the  German 
Empire  and  America  if  they  will  be  pleased  to  write 
a  three-figure  check  for  the  American-German  Review. 

Mr.  Charles  told  me  that  the  Ambassador  declared 
himself  ready  to  agree  to  his  proposal  and  even  the 
day  and  hour  had  been  planned  for  this  secretly  ar 
ranged  "pumpmanceuvre,"  but  at  the  last  moment  un 
friendly  influences  destroyed  the  plan  and  with  it  the 
existence  of  the  American-German  Review.  The  total 
appearance  of  this  monthly  amounted  to  only  four 
numbers  and  then  it  died  a  quiet  death,  mourned  alone 
by  the  New  York  German  Jew  bankers  and  German- 
American  merchants  who  had  gone  deep  into  their 
pockets  to  found  and  secure  the  undertaking. 

A  source  of  constant  anger  and  annoyance  for  the 
Ambassador  were  the  ill-natured  attacks  of  the  New 
York  Sun.  I  received,  therefore,  one  day  the  com 
mission  to  go  to  New  York  and  try  my  arts  on  the 
publisher  of  this  paper,  Mr.  Laffan.  He  listened  at 
tentively  to  my  arguments  and  agreed  with  me  that 
a  continuation  of  the  attacks  would  have  very  bad 
consequences  for  the  two  peoples. 

"I  have,"  I  told  him,  "in  my  character  of  special 
correspondent  of  the  semi-official  Berlin  Norddeut- 
schen  Allgemeinen  Zeitung  had  repeated  opportuni 
ties  of  talking  with  Herr  von  Holleben  about  the  posi 
tion  which  the  New  York  Sun  has  taken  against  Ger- 


I  EXPERIENCE  AMERICAN  JOURNALISM      45 

many.  As  an  admirer  of  the  many  qualities  which  the 
Sun  displays,  he  deeply  regrets  that  the  New  York 
Sun  should  belong  to  the  opponents  of  the  German 
policy,  and  he  is  most  anxious  to  convince  its  editors 
of  the  sincerity  of  Germany's  declaration  of  friend 
ship.  We  ask  of  you  nothing  further  than  a  neutral 
attitude." 

Mr.  Laffan  had  listened  attentively  to  me.  "You 
shall  not  have  appealed  to  me  in  vain,"  he  replied, 
"and  I  will  promise  you  that  the  attacks  in  the  Sun 
on  the  German  Ambassador  and  the  German  Empire 
shall  cease." 

"Allow  me  one  more  observation,  Mr.  Laffan,"  I 
continued  my  argument,  "you  are  not  only  the  pub 
lisher  of  the  New  York  Sun  but  also  the  founder  of 
the  great  telegraph  bureau  which  is  named  after  you, 
and  as  such  you  have  the  greatest  interest  in  the  suc 
cess  and  rapidity  of  your  news  service,  that  it  shall 
not  be  behind  the  Associated  Press.  As  things  now 
stand,  your  Berlin  service  stands  second  to  the  Asso 
ciated  Press.  I  believe  I  am  able  to  assure  you,  from 
my  knowledge  of  persons  and  circumstances,  that  the 
Chancellor  and  Secretary  of  State  for  Foreign  Affairs 
would  gladly  give  your  Berlin  reporter  the  same  ad 
vantages  as  the  Associated  Press  as  soon  as  they  had 
the  assurance  of  the  strict  neutrality  of  your  news 
service.  Besides,"  Mr.  Laffan  looked  at  me  intently, 
"besides,  the  German  Empire  has  in  view  the  laying  of 
its  own  cable  to  America.  I  shall  not  hide  it  from 
you,  that  in  regard  to  you  particular  favours  could  be 
granted  for  the  forwarding  of  your  telegrams.  Do 
you  clearly  understand  me?  No  change  of  opinion 
is  expected  from  the  Sun,  only  the  strictest  neutrality 
and  impartiality." 

Mr.  Laffan  held  out  both  hands  to  me.     "The  Ger- 


46  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

man  Empire  has  a  good  advocate  in  yon,"  he  said, 
laughing,  "and  I  repeat  my  promise  that  the  attacks 
in  the  New  York  Sun  shall  cease.  Here,  you  have 
my  hand  on  it." 

We  shook  hands  like  a  pair  of  good  friends  and 
then  separated.  The  Ambassador  was  delighted  when, 
on  my  return  from  New  York,  I  told  him  of  the  success 
of  my  journey.  "Now  we  will  prove  the  fellow,"  he 
remarked,  "and  see  if  he  will  keep  his  word.  Write 
an  article  and  send  it  to  the  New  York  Sun,  and  truly, 
if  he  publishes  it,  I  will  believe  in  the  sincerity  of  Mr. 
Laffan's  assurances." 

I  wrote  the  desired  article  and  sent  it  off.  It  ap 
peared  the  next  morning  in  a  prominent  position  on 
the  editorial  page  of  the  Sun,  where  it  filled  an  entire 
column.  It  was  signed  with  my  initials  and  the  editor 
had  introduced  it  with  a  few  polite  words. 

"It  looks  as  if  we  had  found  the  right  man,"  was 
the  comment  of  the  Ambassador,  as  the  paper  which 
contained  it  was  laid  before  him,  "for  he  has  accom 
plished  what  no  one  else  has  been  able  to  do,  turned 
the  New  York  Saul  into  a  Paul" 

The  pleasant  relations  between  the  New  York  Sun 
and  the  Ambassador  were  not,  however,  of  long  dura 
tion;  for  about  a  month  later  a  note  was  delivered  to 
Mr.  von  Holleben  from  David  L,  Berry,  the  Washing 
ton  correspondent  of  the  Sun,  in  which  Herr  von  Hol 
leben  was  asked  not  to  overlook  the  Laffan  office, 
namely,  the  Sun,  in  the  distribution  of  official  communi 
cations  and  denials.  Mr.  von  Holleben  commissioned 
me  to  see  Mr.  Berry  and  tell  him  "as  brutally  and  in 
sultingly  as  possible"  that  the  representatives  of  the 
German  Empire  must  refuse  to  give  any  information 
whatsoever.  "Besides,"  so  my  instructions  proceeded, 
"you  may  also  say  to  Mr.  Berry,  that  in  the  person 


I  EXPERIENCE  AMERICAN  JOURNALISM      47 

of  Mr.  Hazeltine  there  are  already  relations  between 
the  Ambassador  and  the  New  York  Sun!' 

The  Ambassador's  order  seemed  to  me,  honestly 
speaking,  not  to  be  possessed  of  statesmanlike  wisdom. 
With  Mr.  Berry's  letter  in  my  hand,  I  sought  him  in  his 
office  and  "with  the  best  wishes  of  his  Excellency"  I  told 
him  that  he  would  be  only  too  pleased  to  comply  with 
the  request  of  Mr.  Berry,  but  that  as  a  return  favour  "a 
friendly  attitude"  would  be  expected  from  the  Sun. 
Mr.  Berry's  reply  was  typically  American.  He  sev 
eral  times  pronounced  with  emphasis  the  word 
"damn,"  which  is  banned  from  polite  society,  and  was 
amused  at  the  shortsightedness  of  the  Ambassador 
who  was  not  able  to  understand  that  he  (Berry),  as 
a  correspondent,  had  not  the  slightest  influence  on  the 
policy  of  the  paper,  and  that  he  was  only  injuring 
himself  and  his  government  if  he  should  keep  the 
official  news  of  the  Embassy  from  the  Laffan  office  and 
the  New  York  Sun.  "Besides,"  and  Mr.  Berry  looked 
at  me  doubtfully,  "how  do  you  happen  to  have  my 
letter  and  how  does  it  happen  that  the  Ambassador 
sends  you  to  me  as  his  emissary?  You  are,  I  believe, 
as  your  card  reads,  the  special  correspondent  of  the 
Norddeutscher  Allgemeinen  Zeitung  in  Berlin?" 

I  replied,  that,  as  was  well  known,  the  Norddeut 
scher  Allgemeinen  Zeitung  was  the  organ  of  the  For 
eign  Office  in  Berlin,  and  as  their  Washington  cor 
respondent  I  had  the  right  to  stand  a  little  on  the  side 
of  the  Ambassador  in  his  intercourse  with  the  Ameri 
can  press. 

Contrary  to  the  categorical  commission  of  the  Am 
bassador,  I  held  it  to  be  good  policy  to  be  on  good 
terms  with  the  New  York  Sun,  at  least  as  far  as  I 
came  into  connection  with  it.  So  that  it  gave  me 
great  pleasure  when  Herr  von  Holleben  had  gone  on 


48  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

his  vacation  and  Herr  von  Mumm  took  over  the  affairs 
of  the  Embassy  to  be  able  to  give  the  first  news  of  the 
conclusion  of  the  parcel-post  treaty  between  the  Ger 
man  Empire  and  the  United  States  to  the  Washington 
office  of  the  New  York  Sun.  As  up  to  this  time  only 
the  Associated  Press  was  in  possession  of  the  news, 
I  spared  the  Sun  and  the  Laffan  office,  through  my 
complaisance,  an  unpleasant  journalistic  defeat.* 

*  How  the  New  York  Sun  went  over  into  the  German  camp 
again  during  Prince  Henry's  American  journey  I  shall  de 
scribe  in  a  later  chapter. 


CHAPTER    V 

SOME   UNWRITTEN    HISTORY 

The  official  communiques  of  the  Embassy  given  out  by  me 
documents  of  a  weak,  undignified  politics. — A  letter  from 
Councillor  Kinne. — Disclosures  concerning  history  prior  to 
the  Spanish-American  war. — England's  astounding  propos 
als  to  the  German  Empire. — Open  friction  between  the 
German  Empire  and  England  over  the  Samoan  question. — 
A  companion  piece  to  an  Ems  despatch. — I  transform  a 
fanfare  into  a  parley. — A  commission  from  the  Imperial 
Chancellor  lies  neglected  while  Paul  Haedicke  carouses 
about  town. — Privy  Legation  Councillor  Dr.  Rose  gives 
me  some  inspired  material  about  himself  for  publication. — 
A  letter  from  Henry  C.  Ide,  former  American  Chief  Justice 
of  Samoa. 

IT  was  a  part  of  my  duty  to  complete  the  official 
communications  and  present  them  to  the  press.  I  will 
frankly  confess  that  often  my  cheeks  became  red  with 
shame  when  I  was  obliged  to  compose  this  packet; 
these  writings,  which  were  a  speaking  witness  of  a 
weak  and  worthless  policy,  which  did  not  know  what 
it  wanted. 

Usually  my  articles  began  with  the  introduction  that 
the  Imperial  German  Government  had  decided  to  give 
to  the  government  of  the  United  States  another  proof 
of  its  goodwill  by  granting  this  or  that,  and  at  the 
end  there  was  always  the  remark  that  it  was  to  be 
hoped  this  concession  would  remove  another  obstacle 
to  a  better  business  relationship  between  the  two  coun 
tries. 

Once  I  was  obliged,  after  a  conversation  with  Herr 

49 


50  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

von  Sternburg,  to  give  out  the  extraordinary  document 
that  "certain  kinds  of  American  fruits"  were  not 
"fruit"  looked  at  in  the  sense  of  the  Imperial  order, 
and  therefore  were  freed  from  the  San  Jose  cochineal 
examination,  which  was  intended  for  other  kinds  of 
fruit. 

The  secret  key  for  the  German  diplomacy  in  Amer 
ica  at  this  time,  after  the  S panish- American  war,  was 
animosity  and  envy  against  England.  On  the  I3th  of 
February,  1899,  I  received  from  the  Chancellor  of  the 
embassy,  Hofrat  A.  Kinne,  the  following: 

"Dear  Mr.  Witte: 

"In  conformity  with  your  commission,  I  herewith  send 
you  an  article  from  the  Washington  Post  of  July  3d  of  last 
year,  which  you  will  make  the  best  possible  use  of. 

"Yours  truly, 

"A.  KINNE." 

The  article  which  the  foregoing  letter  referred  to 
came  from  the  pen  of  a  German-American  journalist, 
Fred  J.  Schrader,  and  dealt  with  "Germany's  Attitude 
in  the  War."  Its  contents  are  too  interesting  to  be 
from  the  pen  of  a  correspondent  of  a  western  paper 
and  betray  in  every  line  the  inspired  origin  and,  more 
over,  the  style  points  to  Hofrat  Kinne.  The  article 
is  so  comprehensive  that  I  am  unable  to  give  it  here 
verbatim,  but  nevertheless  I  give  a  few  extracts : 

"Whoever  is  only  partially  instructed  in  the  present 
stand  of  international  affairs,  knows  that  there  is  abso 
lutely  no  ground  for  regarding  the  German  govern 
ment  other  than  as  a  neutral  power,  whose  neutrality 
is  moderated  through  a  strong  liking  for  America, 
and  that  therefore  no  German  ship  has  been  discovered 
trying  to  coal  Spanish  cruisers,  or  to  strengthen  the 
forces  of  our  enemies  with  artillery.  But  all  this 
systematic  turning  of  the  truth  has  a  diplomatic  reason 


SOME  UNWRITTEN  HISTORY  51 

at  bottom,  whose  motive  is  well  understood  in  Wash 
ington.  England  is  forced,  as  Secretary  Chamberlin, 
Lord  Lansdowne  and  other  men  of  equal  importance 
have  confessed,  to  make  an  alliance  with  another 
power,  and  has,  since  the  beginning  of  the  Spanish- 
American  war,  made  astonishing  proposals  to  the  Ger 
man  government  in  behalf  of  the  conclusion  of  an 
alliance  against  Russia.  Among  the  different  pro 
posals,  it  is  said,  was  one  to  give  Germany  a  free  hand 
to  expand  her  colonial  possessions  under  British  guar 
antee.  Yes,  Germany  was  offered  colonial  conces 
sions,  the  precise  nature  of  which  is  not  known.  For 
reasons  best  known  to  the  German  government,  these 
offers  were  refused.  Great  Britain  remained  alone  in 
her  great  isolation,  while  Germany  obviously  was  striv 
ing  for  a  closer  understanding  with  Russia  and  France. 
And  from  this  time  dates  all  the  efforts  to  bring  about 
a  difference  between  the  United  States  and  the  govern 
ment  of  the  Emperor. 

"Washington  diplomats  are  of  the  opinion  that  this 
systematic  endeavour  to  make  Germany  suspected  at 
such  a  critical  time  can  only  have  in  view  the  bring 
ing  about  of  an  unbearable  condition  which  will  induce 
one  side  or  the  other  to  take  a  thoughtless  step  and 
thereby  cause  a  war  in  which  Great  Britain  would  be 
so  placed  that  she  could  either  offer  the  United  States 
an  alliance  against  Germany  or  Germany  an  alliance 
against  the  United  States. 

"But  for  the  Queen's  government,  an  alliance  with 
a  power  which  is  as  strong  on  land  as  Germany  and 
besides  one  that  lies  so  near  to  Russia  that  it  could 
strike  immediately  is  more  important  than  the  help  of 
the  United  States.  In  all  likelihood,  England's  first 
bid  would  go  to  the  Kaiser's  address,  and  all  the 
sentimentality  about  'the  same  race'  would  be  changed 


52  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

into  'blood-relationship'  between  England  and  Ger 
many,  as  at  the  beginning  of  the  war  they  were  di 
verted  from  their  Spanish-friendly  courtship  and  be 
gan  activities  with  us.  The  British  prime  minister 
has  not  spoken;  the  Queen  has  not  spoken.  Only 
Austin  Dobson,  Robert  Barr,  and  the  English  or 
Anglicised  American  newspaper  correspondents  abroad 
are  for  the  policy  of  an  Anglo-American  alliance. 
Secretary  Chamberlin  made  some  remarks  about  the 
banners  of  both  lands  supporting  each  other.  But  the 
matter  has  not  gone  so  far  that  the  British  govern 
ment  policy  has  been  bound,  so  that  at  a  critical  mo 
ment  it  would  not  be  able  to  retreat  and  take  cause 
with  the  Kaiser,  after  they  had  succeeded  in  embroil 
ing  us  in  a  war  with  the  Kaiser's  people.  .  .  . " 

So  much  for  the  article,  which  is  not  in  the  style 
of  the  ordinary  news  correspondent,  Fred  F.  Schrader, 
but  is  from  no  less  a  person  than  the  chief  of  the  Ger 
man  embassy,  who  therefore  is  authority  for  the  state 
ment  that  at  the  beginning  of  the  Spanish- American 
war  the  German  government  was  approached  with 
astonishing  proposals  in  behalf  of  the  conclusion  of 
an  alliance  against  Russia;  that  it  would  give  Ger 
many  a  free  hand  to  enlarge  her  colonial  possessions, 
under  British  guarantee,  and  besides  that  it  had  been 
offered  colonial  concessions. 

The  secret  opposition  between  Germany  and 
England  found  open  expression  during  the  Samoan 
troubles.  What  I  here  recount  is  perhaps  one  of  the 
most  remarkable  illustrations  of  stair-case  wit  in  world 
history,  and  perhaps  as  such  will  live  in  world  his 
tory.  One  is  reminded  of  a  new  edition  of  the  Ems 
despatch,  only  this  time  the  point  is  not  directed 
against  France,  but  against  England,  and  in  the  review 
I  changed  the  fanfare  into  a  chamade. 


SOME  UNWRITTEN  HISTORY  53 

As  to-day  it  may  be  considered  that  the  publication 
of  this  telegram  could  have  no  unfavorable  influence 
on  international  politics,  this  tragi-comic  contribution 
may  well  appear  here  as  a  monument  in  the  history  of 
our  times. 

In  the  Samoan  troubles,  English  and  American 
blood  flowed  together.  Thus  the  "Anglo-Saxon  soli 
darity"  came  about,  and  the  stand  of  the  German  di 
plomacy  toward  England  and  America  had  become 
very  difficult. 

During  the  negotiations  in  Washington  on  regulat 
ing  the  Samoan  question,  the  British  Ambassador,  Sir 
Julian  Pauncefote,  first  dropped  a  word  on  renewing 
a  Samoan  commission.  This  thought  was  at  once 
snatched  up  by  Herr  von  Holleben,  who  gave  knowl 
edge  of  it  at  once  by  telegraph  to  the  Foreign  Office 
in  Berlin,  and  immediately  received  a  telegraphic  reply 
to  accede  to  the  proposal. 

With  the  telegram  from  the  Foreign  Office  in  his 
hand,  Herr  von  Holleben  sought  the  Secretary  of 
State,  Mr.  John  Hay,  who  then  also  granted  his 
acquiescence.  The  German  Ambassador  then  went  to 
Sir  Julian  Pauncefote  and  told  him  officially  that  the 
German,  as  well  as  the  American,  government  had 
consented  to  Sir  Julian's  propositions.* 

The  British  Ambassador  was  not  a  little  surprised 
at  the  rapid  results  of  his  privately  spoken  opinion. 
He  saw  himself  seized  unawares,  but  did  not  give 
himself  up  as  beaten. 

*  Dr.  von  Holleben's  attempt  to  besmirch  the  name  of  Lord 
Pauncefote  was  the  occasion  for  his  recall.  "That  Holleben 
had  waited  until  Pauncefote  was  dead  before  uttering  this 
low  insinuation  against  him  caused  such  general  contempt 
that  the  Kaiser,  perceiving  that  the  little  plot  had  failed,  re 
called  him  at  a  day's  notice." — Thayer's  "Life  of  John  Hay," 
Vol.  II,  p.  293. 


54  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

As  the  three  governments  approached  more  closely 
the  duties  of  the  commission,  he  raised  more  diffi 
culties  relative  to  the  validity  of  the  determination 
of  the  commission,  because  he  demanded  that  a  sim 
ple  plurality  vote  should  be  sufficient  for  the  validity 
of  their  resolution,  while  Herr  von  Holleben  stood  for 
unanimity. 

At  first  Mr.  Hay  was  of  the  opinion  of  the  British 
Ambassador,  and  thus  a  decision  of  the  commission 
seemed  to  be  endangered.  Great  bitterness  against 
England  was  voiced  in  Berlin.  This  bitterness  rose  to 
such  a  height  that  on  Saturday,  April  ist,  1899,  Count 
von  Biilow  sent  a  cipher  telegram  to  the  Ambassador. 
This  he  wished  to  have  published  in  the  American 
press,  through  the  good  offices  of  Mr.  Paul  Haedicke, 
the  confidential  agent  of  the  Minister  for  Foreign  Re 
lations  and  accredited  representative  to  the  Associated 
Press. 

The  telegram  arrived  late  in  the  afternoon  at  the 
embassy.  While  the  government  officials  at  once 
started  about  deciphering  it  a  servant  was  sent  at  once 
to  get  me.  The  Ambassador,  who  seemed  very  nerv 
ous,  requested  me  to  translate  the  telegram  into  Eng 
lish,  and  in  doing  so  to  change  the  rude  expressions 
into  a  milder  form.  This  I  accomplished  to  the  full 
satisfaction  of  his  excellency,  who  complimented  me 
by  saying  I  had  changed  a  fanfare  into  a  chamade. 

Still,  the  telegram,  even  in  its  changed  form,  was 
so  sharp  that  I  had  violent  palpitation  of  the  heart 
at  the  thought  of  its  dangerous  results.  "According 
to  higher  orders,"  I  sent  it  to  Herr  Paul  Haedicke  to 
publish  through  the  Associated  Press.  At  the  same 
time,  in  a  second  telegram,  I  requested  him  on  its 
receipt  to  acknowledge  it  and  let  me  know  whether 
he  had  succeeded. 


SOME  UNWRITTEN  HISTORY  55 

I  sent  my  telegram  at  about  a  quarter  past  seven  in 
the  evening  and  then  went  home,  to  await  there  Mr. 
Haedicke's  answer.  It  became  nine,  ten,  eleven  and 
twelve  o'clock,  but  no  word  from  Mr.  Haedicke.  Sun 
day  came  and  with  it  the  Sunday  paper,  but  in  it  no 
reference  to  Count  von  Billow's  telegram;  no  sign  of 
the  great  sensation  of  the  threatening  break  in  the 
diplomatic  relations  between  the  German  Empire  and 
Great  Britain.  From  Herr  von  Haedicke  still  no 
sign  of  life.  On  Monday  it  was  the  same  thing,  and 
finally  on  Tuesday  afternoon  I  received  from  him  a 
short  telegram  saying  that  the  carrying  out  of  the 
instructions  had  become  unnecessary,  as  Lord  Salis 
bury  had  in  the  meantime  acceded  to  the  German 
proposals. 

With  this  announcement  in  my  hand  I  hurried  to 
the  German  Ambassador,  who  made  a  remarkable 
grimace  as  he  read  it,  but  was  inwardly  well  pleased 
that  the  von  Biilow  companion-piece  to  the  Ems  tele 
gram  had  never  been  published.  And  what  was  the 
answer  to  the  riddle? 

On  investigation  by  the  Ambassador  it  was  discov 
ered  that  Herr  Haedicke  had  not  once  during  the 
whole  time  been  seen  in  his  office,  as  he  was  too  busy 
with  a  beer  trip,  rather  more  extended  than  usual, 
through  Greater  New  York,  to  trouble  himself  with 
such  small  matters  as  the  orders  of  his  chief  in  Wash 
ington.  One  sees  how  the  fate  of  nations  often  hangs 
on  blind  coincidences. 

In  May  the  differences  in  the  Samoan  question  were 
again  sharpened  to  the  most  hazardous  point.  This 
time  Herr  von  Holleben  himself  worked  out  a  com 
munique,  which  I  translated  and  gave  to  the  press. 
It  read  as  follows: 

" After  Germany  and  the  United  States  had  reached 


56  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

such  an  understanding  that  the  commissioners  might 
have  left  San  Francisco  on  the  iQth  of  May,  England 
raised  new  difficulties  of  such  a  complicated  character 
that  it  is  not  possible  to  explain  them  telegraphically. 
Germany  feels,  under  these  circumstances,  justified 
in  holding  back  the  name  of  its  commissioner.  The 
Berlin  announcement  that  Germany  would  ask  for 
reparation  for  the  arbitrary  action  of  the  Admiral 
Kantz  finds  no  belief  in  official  circles  and  seems  to 
be  an  evil  invention. 

"The  whole  question  about  Samoa  hangs,  for  the 
present,  not  between  three  powers,  but  between  Ger 
many  and  England.3' 

The  answer  made  by  the  British  Ambassador  to  this 
communique  left  nothing  to  be  desired  for  sharpness. 
But  the  difficulties  were  happily  once  more  bridged 
over.  The  following  day  Vice-President  Hobart  was 
buried,  on  which  occasion  both  ambassadors  were  in 
the  same  carriage  and  at  once  began  a  lively  conver 
sation. 

The  German  Consul  General  at  Samoa,  secret  coun 
sel  for  the  legation,  came  soon  after  to  Washington, 
where  he  gave  us,  with  a  knowing  smile,  a  number  of 
newspaper  articles  published  by  E.  W.  Williamson 
in  the  San  Francisco  Call,  a  paper  belonging  to  the 
Low-German  millionaire  sugar  king,  Claus  Spreckels. 
These  articles  contained  an  absolute  justification  of 
the  behaviour  of  Mr.  Rose  and  laid  the  entire  blame 
for  the  disturbance  on  the  English. 

A  translation  of  this  article  by  my  pen  appeared 
later  in  the  Munchner  Neuesten  Nachrichten. 

While  I  am  speaking  of  the  Samoan  imbroglio,  I 
may  as  well  mention  that  by  the  order  of  the  Ambassa 
dor  I  requested  the  former  American  Justice  of  Samoa, 
Henry  G.  Ide,  to  give  an  opinion  about  the  German 


SOME  UNWRITTEN  HISTORY  57 

claims  (demands).     I  received  by  letter  the  following 
worthy  answer: 

"St.  Johnsbury,  Vt.,  July  2,  1899. 
"Mr.  E.  Witte, 

"Washington,  D.  C. 
"Dear  Sir : 

"I  have  not  answered  your  letter  of  the  21  st  of  April,  as  1 
did  not  consider  it  correct  to  criticise  the  actions  of  my  suc 
cessor,  the  Chief  Justice  of  Samoa.  In  case  you  wish  to  learn 
my  opinion  as  regards  Maatasas,  and  as  regards  the  question 
whether  a  decision  in  his  favour  corresponded  to  the  wishes 
of  one  acquainted  with  the  circumstances  in  Samoa,  I  would 
recommend  you  to  the  first  pages  of  my  article,  The  Samoan 
Imbroglio/  which  will  appear  in  the  following  number  of  the 
North  American  Review. 

"Sincerely  yours, 

"HENRY  G.  IDE." 


CHAPTER  VI 

PUBLIC    OPINION    LED    BY    THE    NOSE 

Danger  of  a  tariff  war. — What  state  will  emerge  the  victor. — 
What  Professor  James  Howard  Gore  thinks  of  it. — An 
article  in  The  Forum. — A  victory  of  Herr  von  Holleben's. 
— He  hinders  the  establishment  of  Americans  in  Constanti 
nople. — Whom  has  Germany  to  thank  for  possession  of  the 
Caroline  Islands  ? — Unhappy  relations  between  the  Ambas 
sador  and  Herr  von  Sternburg. — More  light  on  the  presence 
of  the  German  squadron  in  Manila  Bay. — League  between 
the  Imperial  Chancellor  and  Professor  Blumentritt,  pub 
licity  agent  for  the  insurgent  Filipinos. — A  pithy  remark 
of  Herr  von  Holleben. 

THE  danger  of  a  tariff  war  between  the  United  States 
and  the  German  Empire  is  (even  setting  aside  the 
newly  arranged  rulings)  not  yet  obviated,  because  the 
great  Chicago  meat  exporters  are  not  able  to  overcome 
the  constrictions  of  the  law  requiring  the  inspection 
of  American  canned  meat  exported  to  Germany,  which 
has  practically  killed  the  trade. 

They  are  therefore  thinking  of  revenge  and  their 
influence  in  Washington  is  stronger  than  that  of  the 
mighty  German  Empire.  Herr  von  Holleben  tried, 
through  his  reports,  to  awake  the  belief  in  Berlin  that 
a  tariff  war  would  be  of  short  duration  and  that  Ger 
many  would  be  victorious.  He  tried  to  instil  the 
same  belief  into  the  public  opinion  of  the  United 
States,  and  for  this  purpose  he  won  the  influence  of 
a  professor  in  Columbia  University,  James  Howard 
Gore,  who  wrote  a  long  article  in  an  American 
monthly,  The  Forum,  on  "The  Commercial  Relations 

58 


PUBLIC  OPINION  LED  BY  THE  NOSE       59 

between  the  United  States  and  the  German  Empire/' 
and  showed  therein  that  the  United  States  had  every 
reason  to  avoid  a  tariff  war  with  the  German  Empire. 

As  the  arguments  and  figures  supporting  the  article 
seemed  remarkably  familiar  to  me,  I  made  investiga 
tions  which  justified  my  suspicions  that  they  were  the 
same  arguments  and  figures  which  the  Ambassador 
and  his  secretary  were  in  the  habit  of  using.  Then  I 
learned  that  the  valued  professor  had  been  a  passenger 
on  the  same  ship  as  the  Ambassador  on  his  vacation  to 
Germany,  and  I  also  saw  the  article  when  it  came  to 
the  Embassy  with  the  "compliments  of  the  author." 
Of  course,  no  blame  can  be  attached  to  the  editors  of 
The  Forum,  as  they  accepted  it  in  good  faith  and 
sincerely  believed  that  in  so  doing  they  were  serving 
the  best  interests  of  the  United  States.  But  one  can 
see  how  even  the  independent  American  monthlies  are 
not  safe  from  the  secret  influence  of  European  gov 
ernments  and  how  public  opinion  in  the  United  States, 
as  elsewhere,  is  led  by  the  nose. 

It  must  be  admitted  that  Herr  von  Holleben  used 
all  his  influence  to  hinder  America  from  getting  a 
foothold  in  the  near  Orient.  It  had  been  brought  to 
his  knowledge  that  the  sudden  appearance  of  the 
United  States  as  a  competitor  of  Germany  in  its  trade 
with  Turkey  and  the  Levant  would  cause  it  the  great 
est  anxiety,  and  he  busied  himself  to  place  every  diffi 
culty  in  the  way. 

When  the  Turkish  Ambassador  to  Washington,  Ali 
Ferrouh  Bey,  made  known  to  Secretary  John  Hay 
and  Minister  of  Agriculture  Wilson  the  desire  of  the 
Sultan  to  build  in  Constantinople  an  agricultural  high 
school  on  the  American  pattern  and  to  engage  Amer 
ican  teachers  for  the  faculty,  the  agricultural  attache 
of  the  German  Embassy,  Baron  von  Hermann,  received 


60  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

a  categorical  order  on  the  absolute  necessity  of  making 
it  clear  to  the  Turkish  envoy  that  it  would  not  do, 
under  any  circumstances,  to  summon  Americans  to 
an  official  Turkish  position.  The  Sultan  could  have 
as  many  German  professors  as  he  might  want,  who, 
besides,  would  be  willing  to  accept  the  positions  for 
half  what  the  Americans  would  expect.  Of  those 
American  teachers  already  named  for  the  agricultural 
high  school  in  Constantinople,  not  one  made  the  jour 
ney  to  the  Golden  Horn. 

It  is  not  generally  known  that  the  German  Empire 
has  Baron  Speck  von  Sternburg  to  thank  for  the  pos 
session  of  the  Caroline  Islands.  While  Herr  von 
Holleben,  during  the  American  war  and  after,  was 
on  his  vacation  in  Berlin,  and,  according  to  his  good 
friends,  was  enjoying  himself  to  his  heart's  content, 
the  entire  work  and  responsibility  of  the  Embassy 
rested  on  the  shoulders  of  Herr  von  Sternburg,  who 
brought  all  his  personal  influence  to  bear  on  his  good 
friend  Roosevelt  to  have  the  Caroline  Islands  with 
drawn  from  the  territorial  claims  of  the  United 
States.  Hardly  had  he  succeeded  in  this,  certainly 
not  an  easy  task,  when  Herr  von  Holleben  returned 
from  his  vacation  and  at  once  claimed  for  himself,  in 
his  reports  to  the  Foreign  Office,  the  advantage  which 
Herr  von  Sternburg  had  won.  So  at  least  it  was  said 
by  the  functionaries  through  whose  hands  the  state 
ments  of  Herr  von  Holleben  passed,  and  Herr  von 
Sternburg  spoke  in  the  same  vein. 

From  that  time  the  relations  between  the  two  men 
were  not  of  the  best  and  his  excellency  did  not  hesi 
tate  to  speak  before  the  personnel  of  the  Embassy  in 
a  disparaging  manner  of  their  First  Secretary,  whose 
remarkably  pale  complexion  was  ascribed  to  an  ex 
cessive  use  of  alcohol,  an  accusation  entirely  without 


PUBLIC  OPINION  LED  BY  THE  NOSE      61 

ground,  as  I  am  able  to  testify  by  my  personal  knowl 
edge  of  Herr  von  Sternburg. 

It  would  have  been  more  agreeable  to  the  German 
Empire  if  to  the  Carolines  they  could  have  added  the 
Philippine  Islands  in  their  purchase.  Since  the  Span 
ish-American  war  there  has  time  and  again  come  a 
denial  of  official  and  semi-official  character  from  the 
German  side  of  any  design  against  Manila  and  the 
islands.  I  can  testify,  however,  to  the  fact  that  be 
tween  the  Filipinos  and  the  Foreign  Office  in  Berlin 
there  was  a  secret  alliance  which  was  brought  about 
by  Professor  Blumentritt,  publicity  agent  in  Prague 
for  the  insurgent  natives  fighting  for  their  freedom. 

Only  a  few  days  before  the  German  interests  in  the 
Philippines  were  placed  under  American  protection, 
I  received,  to  translate  or  perfect  for  the  press,  an 
official  order  which  Professor  Blumentritt  had  pre 
pared  for  Count  von  Billow  about  the  Filipino  upris 
ing.  This  account  contains  the  most  intimate  details 
of  the  means  of  defence  and  reserves  of  the  Filipinos, 
the  ways  and  means  of  their  arming  and  equipment, 
their  possessions  in  munitions  and  means  of  suste 
nance,  the  personnel  of  their  leaders,  etc.,  etc.,  and 
ends  with  the  prophecy  that  the  Americans  would 
never  subjugate  the  Filipinos,  who,  besides,  would  be 
glad  to  put  themselves  under  a  German  protectorate. 
This  last  remark  of  the  professor  explains  in  part  the 
polite  attention  which  George  Dewey  and  the  Amer 
ican  fleet  received  from  Admiral  von  Diederichs. 

When  I  expressed  my  surprise  that  the  Ambassador 
should  publish  such  an  article  at  a  time  when  Ger 
many  was  seeking  the  protection  of  America  for  its 
interests  in  the  Philippine  Islands,  I  received  the  fol 
lowing  very  significant  answer: 

"'We  must  not  allow  America  to  become  too  large." 


CHAPTER  VII 


THE    INFLUENCE    OF    GERMAN-AMERICANS 

The  German  Ambassador  and  the  German-American  move 
ment. — The  Honourable  John  J.  Lentz,  of  Ohio. — His  in 
tercourse  with  the  Embassy. — It  arouses  mistrust  in  Ameri 
can  circles. — A  policy  of  assembling  German  interests  in 
America. — One-time  "renegades"  attain  high  respect  in 
Berlin. — Eighty-seven  old  soldiers  in  Texas  send  a  tele 
gram  to  the  Kaiser  assuring  him  of  their  loyalty  and  that 
of  the  entire  German  population. — The  influence  of  Ger 
man-Americans  at  the  ballot  box. — Prophets  to  right, 
prophets  to  left,  and  Germany  in  the  middle. 

VERY  delicate  and  very  subtle  was  the  role  played  by 
the  Ambassador  in  the  German- American  disturbance. 
"Say  to  the  Ambassador  he  must  keep  the  agitation 
well  stirred  up,"  Congressman  John  J.  Lentz  of  Co 
lumbus,  Ohio,  commissioned  me  one  day  to  impart 
to  his  excellency,  who  only  rejoined  that  this  was 
exactly  what  was  expected  from  Herr  Lentz. 

I  had  formerly  met  Mr.  Lentz  in  Herr  von  Stern- 
burg's  house,  and  often  met  him  at  the  Embassy.  As 
he  was  a  member  of  the  House  Committee  for  Military 
Affairs,  and  as  such  was  cognisant  of  the  most  inti 
mate  military  secrets,  this  intercourse  made  him  sus 
pected  of  the  American  side. 

Herr  Lentz  was  an  oratorical  firebrand  and  was 
widely  known  as  the  organiser  of  the  German-Amer 
ican  indignation  meetings  which  took  place  in  the 
large  towns  in  the  West  and  East  and  where  the  Amer 
ican  citizens  of  German  descent  or  German  birth  were 
challenged  to  fight  at  the  ballot-box  every  administra- 

62 


INFLUENCE  OF  GERMAN-AMERICANS      63 

tion  in  Washington  which  was  not  friendly  to  Ger 
many. 

It  was  a  dangerous  game  that  Herr  von  Holleben 
was  playing  and  one  which  later  cost  him  his  post. 
While  in  former  times  the  German-Americans  were 
never  recognised  by  official  Germany,  or  her  repre 
sentatives  in  the  United  States,  this  was  suddenly 
ended  with  the  Spanish-American  war,  and  the  once- 
despised  "renegades"  were  made  the  objects  of  num 
berless  attentions  from  the  Emperor  and  his  ambassa 
dors.  Everywhere  in  the  United  States  clubs  were 
organised  of  Old  German  Warriors,  which  came  into 
relation  with  one  another  and  so  formed  a  very 
formidable  organisation. 

Many  of  these  clubs  had  received  from  the  German 
Emperor  a  flag,  which  was  presented  by  the  Ambassa 
dor  in  person  and  dedicated  with  appropriate  fes 
tivities. 

Numberless  orders  and  distinctions  found  their  way 
over  the  ocean  to  the  breasts  of  German- American 
citizens  who  had  rendered  services  in  the  furthering 
of  the  German-American  movement,  whereby  many 
remarkable  mistakes  arose. 

Thus  Herr  Halle  of  Chicago,  who  had  said  in  pub 
lic  some  things  of  a  very  unflattering  nature  regard 
ing  Prince  Friedrich  Leopold  of  Hohenzollern,  a 
cousin  of  the  Kaiser,  found  himself  among  the  recip 
ients  of  an  order. 

It  was  naturally  no  more  than  well  and  good  that 
these  German  soldier  societies  should  choose  Herr  von 
Holleben  as  their  honourary  president;  yet  it  was  in 
evitable  that  a  painful  shock  should  be  caused  in 
American  circles  by  announcements  such  as,  for  ex 
ample,  that  of  the  German  soldiers  at  Brenham, 
Washington  county,  Texas,  who,  according  to  the  re- 


64  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

port  of  Paul  Haedicke's  "German-American  corre 
spondence,"  sent  the  following  telegram  to  the  Kaiser : 

"Eighty-seven  soldiers  received  in  a  public  meeting 
the  medals  conferred  by  your  Majesty,  and  send  to 
your  Majesty  their  most  sincere  thanks  as  well  as  the 
assurance  of  their  loyalty,  which  includes  that  of  the 
entire  German  population  of  this  country." 

There  is  only  one  plausible  reason  for  the  astonish 
ing  change  of  front  which  was  adopted  in  Berlin 
towards  the  once  so  despised  German-Americans. 
When  the  feeling  in  the  United  States  against  Ger 
many  left  the  worst  to  be  feared,  the  German-Amer 
ican  politicians  and  university  professors,  pleased  to 
start  the  trouble,  brought  it  to  Herr  von  Holleben's 
attention  that  there  was  no  better  weapon  than  the 
million  German- American  votes  to  force  President 
McKinley  and  his  administration  to  a  policy  friendly 
to  Germany  and  antagonistic  to  England. 

The  Democratic  party  also  thought  the  opportunity 
had  come  to  draw  the  German  Republicans  to  their 
side  by  accusing  President  McKinley  and  his  adminis 
tration  of  having  secretly  made  an  alliance  with  Eng 
land  on  purpose  to  force  the  country  into  a  war  with 
Germany. 

Herr  von  Holleben  thought  it  policy,  however,  not 
to  hurt  himself  with  those  in  power  in  Washington, 
and  gave  the  Democrats,  at  least  officially,  the  cold 
shoulder. 

When  the  Germans  in  Baltimore  celebrated  "Ger 
man  Day"  and  invited  Count  Hacke,  who  was  then 
charge  d'affaires,  he  asked  me  to  represent  him,  as 
he  must  avoid  being  seen  officially  with  Mr.  Lentz, 
who  was  announced  as  speaker. 

I  went  to  the  festival  as  representative  of  the  Em- 


INFLUENCE  OF  GERMAN-AMERICANS      65 

bassy,  and  had  the  doubtful  pleasure  of  enduring  an 
endless  talk  by  the  worthy  John  J.  Lentz,  in  which 
he  abused  McKinley  and  his  administration  most  un 
feelingly. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

THE    IMPERTINENT    AMERICAN    PRESS 

Antipathy  of  the  Ambassador  for  American  journalists. — A 
former  Prussian  tinder-officer  entrusted  with  the  reception 
of  the  representatives  of  the  press. — His  scanty  knowledge 
of  English  leads  to  serious  misunderstandings. — Shall  Her 
bert  Bismarck  become  ambassador  to  Washington? — Herr 
von  Holleben  sniffs  the  morning  air  and  stages  a  little  in 
trigue  against  the  Prince. — A  letter  to  the  Washington 
Evening  Star. — An  astonished  editor. 

A  FEW  general  remarks  as  to  the  intercourse  between 
the  Embassy  in  Washington  and  the  representatives  of 
the  American  papers  may  be  appropriate  here.  It  is 
accepted  as  an  established  rule  that  journalists,  in 
the  practice  of  their  calling,  seeking  diplomatic  news, 
are  received  either  by  the  chief  himself  or  by  his  di 
rect  representative.  Most  of  the  European  diplomats 
in  the  American  capital  accept  this  custom  and  find 
it  agreeable  and  convenient.  But  the  German  Am 
bassador  was  of  another  opinion,  and  transplanted  the 
Berlin  system  to  the  United  States. 

Herr  von  Holleben  hated  and  feared  the  journalists 
and  avoided,  as  much  as  possible,  coming  in  contact 
with  them.  It  was  actually  easier  to  have  an  inter 
view  with  the  President  of  the  United  States  than 
\vith  the  Ambassador,  and  only  a  chosen  few,  among 
the  first  of  whom  were  Count  SeckendorfT  and  Herr 
Reginald  Schroder  of  the  New  York  Staats-Zeitung, 
shared  the  prerogative  of  being  received  by  his  ex 
cellency.  The  rest  of  the  whole  herd  of  reporters  were 

66 


THE  IMPERTINENT  AMERICAN  PRESS      67 

received  by  the  chancellor  of  the  Embassy,  Hofrat 
Kinne,  as  the  secretary  shared  the  aristocratic  aver 
sion  of  his  chief  to  the  newspaper  calling.  This  man 
possessed  naturally,  in  the  eyes  of  those  over  him, 
the  necessary  qualifications  for  intercourse  with  the 
press,  as  he  had  been  at  one  time  a  Royal  Prussian 
subaltern. 

Sharp  and  brutal  in  demeanour  and  only  insuffi 
ciently  in  command  of  the  English  language,  and  with 
little  tact,  he  combined  all  the  characteristics  which 
made  him  the  most  unqualified  of  persons  for  the 
reception  of  the  journalists. 

Herr  von  Holleben,  however,  thought  differently 
and  the  inevitable  result  was  that  Herr  Kinne  often 
made  the  most  laughable  mistakes  and  said  exactly 
the  opposite  to  what  he  had  been  instructed  by  the 
Ambassador.  When,  therefore,  his  excellency  showed 
him  the  result  of  his  work,  he  put  the  blame  on  the 
mala  fides  of  the  American  press. 

In  this  way  the  Ambassador,  as  well  as  the  Foreign 
Office  in  Berlin,  received  an  entirely  false  opinion  of 
the  American  press  and  its  agents. 

As  soon  as  a  paper  had  published  an  article  which 
was  friendly  to  Germany,  Herr  Hofrat,  as  well  as 
the  Ambassador,  at  once  viewed  it  as  tributary,  and 
assumed  the  right  to  ascribe  to  it  the  correct  policy. 
The  Ambassador  often  said  to  me :  "Explain  to  these 
people,  as  a  commission  from  the  Embassy,  that  they 
must  write  nothing  disparaging  to  Germany  if  they 
wish  to  be  on  good  terms  with  the  Embassy." 

Instead  of  being  grateful  for  the  many  undeserved 
courtesies  shown  to  the  Embassy,  he  played  the  bull 
dozing  tactics  of  a  drill  sergeant.  "I  will  not  receive 
another  one  of  these  correspondents  if  another  attack 


68  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

on  the  Kaiser  or  Germany  appears  in  their  paper. 
I  will  have  them  thrown  out  of  the  house.  Please  tell 
them  that." 

One  may  imagine  how  agreeable  my  position  was 
under  these  circumstances,  because  I  was  obliged  in 
roundabout  ways  to  make  good  where  Herr  Kinne, 
in  his  Prussian  roughness,  had  sinned.  Even  as  the 
late  Moritz  Busch,  I  received  commissions  which  were 
not  to  my  taste,  but  which  I  was  obliged  to  carry  out 
"per  ordre  de  mufti!'  As  only  one  example :  When 
in  February,  1899,  it  was  stated  that  Prince  Herbert 
Bismarck  would  become  German  Ambassador  to 
Washington  and  the  American  papers  printed  this 
sensational  news  in  striking  headlines,  the  Ambassa 
dor  commissioned  me  to  write  an  article  against 
Herbert  Bismarck  and  to  SAY  EVERYTHING  BAD  POS 
SIBLE  OF  HIM.  It  was  the  first  order  of  this  kind 
which  I  had  received  and,  I  must  confess,  I  blushed 
for  the  Ambassador. 

At  first  I  did  nothing  about  it,  as  I  thought  that  his 
excellency  might  not  return  to  the  idea;  but  in  this 
respect  I  was  greatly  deceived,  as  Herr  von  Holleben 
reminded  me  of  it  not  less  than  three  times  and  the 
last  time  in  such  sharp  tones  that  I  was  obliged  to 
bite  into  the  sour  apple. 

I  then  sat  down  and  wrote  a  communication  to 
the  Washington  Evening  Star,  whose  editor,  Mr. 
Noyes,  when  he  had  read  it,  propounded  the  aston 
ished  question:  "What!  you  give  me  this  article?" 
Whereupon  I  reddened  and  replied  that  the  article 
came  from  no  less  a  person  than  his  excellency,  the 
Imperial  German  Ambassador.  Mr.  Noyes  published 
the  article,  which  I  here  repeat  in  a  German  trans 
lation  : 


THE  IMPERTINENT  AMERICAN  PRESS      69 


A   CONFUSION   OF  BISMARCKS 

"To  the  Editor  of  the  Evening  Star: 

"Prince  Herbert  Bismarck  delivered,  as  will  be  remem 
bered,  on  the  occasion  of  the  great  debate  in  the  German 
Reichstag  as  to  the  relations  between  the  fatherland  and 
the  United  States,  a  speech  in  which  he  expressed  himself, 
according  to  Berlin  cablegrams,  in  such  flattering  terms  on 
America  and  the  Americans  that  political  wiseacres  on  both 
sides  of  the  Atlantic  hastened  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
appearance  of  the  Prince  in  the  Reichstag  foreshadowed  his 
re-entrance  into  the  field  of  diplomacy  and  his  appointment 
to  the  Washington  ambassadorship.  In  view  of  these  eulo 
gies  of  Prince  Herbert's  speech,  it  is  somewhat  strange  that 
the  parliamentary  reports  of  the  newspapers  just  arrived 
from  Germany  do  not  bear  out  the  cable  message.  For 
instance,  none  of  the  following  sentences  were  contained  in 
the  cable  account  of  the  speech : 

"  'Why,'  Prince  Herbert  exclaimed,  'should  we  become  ex 
cited,  when,  indeed,  every  ABC  scholar  must  see  that  we 
are  in  the  right.  Either  the  Saratoga  agreement  remains  in 
force,  in  which  case  we  must  get  the  most- favoured-nation 
privileges  from  the  Americans  under  all  circumstances,  or  the 
American  interpretation  prevails;  but  then  a  uniform  treat 
ment  must  take  place.  I  refer  to  a  speech  delivered  by  the 
former  imperial  chancellor,  Prince  Bismarck,  in  1884,  on  our 
relations  with  America,  when  he  declared  it  should  never  be 
said  that  measures  of  retaliation  might  not  be  recurred  to. 
The  liberty  of  action  of  the  Government  would  be  paralyzed 
by  such  an  attitude." 

"The  reference  to  Frederick  the  Great's  recognition  of 
American  independence  and  American  protection  of  Germans 
during  the  siege  of  Paris,  was  made,  moreover,  by  Prince 
Bismarck  father,  and  not  by  Prince  Bismarck  son,  who  simply 
quoted  it  as  part  of  his  father's  speech.  If  Prince  Herbert 
appears  to-day  in  the  light  of  one  of  the  most  enthusiastic 
friends  of  the  United  States,  this  is  chiefly  due  to  a  misquo 
tation  of  his  speech,  in  which  the  sayings  of  the  Grand  Old 
Man  of  Germany  were  most  obligingly  attributed  to  him. 

"TEUTON. 

"February  28,  1899." 

The  Ambassador  was,  I  am  almost  ashamed  to  say, 
delighted  with  this  letter. 


CHAPTER  IX 


Herr  von  Mumm's  aspirations  to  the  post  of  ambassador  to 
Washington. — The  high  opinion  of  the  press. — An  example 
of  self-advertisement. — The  art  of  making  careers  with 
newspaper  clippings. — Anti-German  feeling  prevails  during 
Herr  Mumm's  presence  in  America. — What  Count  Hacke 
confided  to  me  as  explanation. — The  envoy  gave  cham 
pagne  breakfasts  with  "Mumm's  Extra  Dry." — Inspired 
glorification  of  the  German  Imperial  Chancellor. — "A 
strenuous  young  man." 

I  ALSO  received  from  Herr  von  Mumm,  who  replaced 
Herr  von  Holleben  during  his  vacation  in  the  year 
1899,  many  similar  commissions.  I  must  say  that 
Herr  von  Mumm  understands  better  than  any  Ger 
man  diplomat  of  my  acquaintance  how  to  associate 
with  the  press.  Only  a  few  days  before  his  arrival, 
in  certain  papers  close  to  the  American  administration, 
appeared  a  notice  to  the  effect  that  the  President  of 
the  United  States,  William  McKinley,  had  sent  a 
manuscript  letter  to  the  German  Emperor  and  therein 
expressed  his  thanks  that  Herr  von  Mumm  had  been 
sent  to  Washington. 

The  form  and  contents  of  the  announcement  seemed 
to  me  so  extraordinary  that  I  immediately,  as  was  my 
duty,  drew  it  to  the  attention  of  the  secretary  of  the 
Embassy  and  asked  for  an  explanation.  The  Embassy 
people  were  of  my  opinion  that  the  newspaper  com 
munique  in  question  was  highly  striking.  They,  how 
ever,  thought  that  it  could  not  be  true  and  saw  in  the 

70 


HERR  VON  MUMM'S  AMBITIONS          71 

announcement,  in  which  I  agreed,  nothing  further 
than  a  small  and  spiteful  intrigue  against  Herr  von 
Holleben.  I  was  not  a  little  astonished  when  Herr 
von  Mumm,  on  our  first  meeting,  began  to  speak  of 
this  article.  He  had  heard,  so  he  said,  that  it  ap 
peared  in  several  papers,  and  as  it  had  not  yet  been 
denied  it  must  indeed  be  true.  No  harm  could  there 
fore  be  done,  but  it  would,  on  the  contrary,  help  to 
bring  about  a  good  understanding  between  the  two 
powers  if  my  articles  for  German  and  American 
papers  were  constantly  to  draw  attention  to  the  Presi 
dent's  letter  to  the  German  Emperor. 

In  the  same  interview  Herr  von  Mumm  took  occa 
sion  to  explain  to  me  his  attitude  with  regard  to  the 
press.  He  expressed  himself  as  belonging  to  its 
greatest  admirers  and  respecters,  and  he  acknowledged 
without  stint  its  worth  to  the  public  life  of  the  people. 
He  was  visibly  pleased  when,  on  being  questioned,  I 
was  able  to  tell  him  that  I  was  the  Washington  corre 
spondent  of  the  Munchener  Neuesten  Nachrichten  and 
of  the  Vienna  Politischen  Korrespondenz,  and  assured 
me,  with  a  diplomatic  smile,  that  he  would  consider  it 
of  value  to  have  his  name  appear  often  in  these  papers. 

This  was  our  first  interview.  Afterward  I  met 
him  many  times,  almost  every  second  or  third  day, 
but  I  cannot  remember  a  single  instance  in  which  he 
did  not  request  me  for  a  personal  mention.  If  ever 
any  one  excelled  in  the  art  of  self-advertisement,  he 
did.  Innumerable  "clipping  agents"  were  paid  by 
him  to  send  him  even  the  most  insignificant  newspaper 
notices  concerning  his  personal  or  diplomatic  heroic 
deeds  (heldentaten) ,  and  he  saw  to  it,  with. painful 
care,  that  every  clipping  was  preserved,  registered  and, 
according  to  its  importance,  several  copies  added,  so 
that  in  case  one  should  be  needed  it  would  be  right 


72  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

at  hand.  He  gave  me  ten-year-old  cuttings  about  his 
former  activity  as  charge  d'affaires  in  Washington, 
in  which  he  was  praised  to  the  sky.  Herr  von  Mumm 
used  this  same  press  apparatus  in  his  association  with 
the  Foreign  Office  in  Berlin.  He  conducted  the  nego 
tiations  to  amend  the  conclusion  of  a  parcel-post 
convention  between  the  United  States  and  the  German 
Empire  and  saw  in  this,  as  there  was  nothing  further 
to  expect,  a  diplomatic  masterpiece  of  the  first  order. 

But  the  fact  is  that  the  advantage  of  the  agree 
ment  was  greater  for  the  Americans  than  the  Ger 
mans,  because  during  this  time,  when  the  first  of 
this  kind  of  commerce  was  introduced,  the  trade  bal 
ance  in  the  commerce  of  the  two  lands  fell  much  to 
the  advantage  of  Germany,  but  this  advantage  was 
changed  at  the  time  of  the  introduction  of  the  Mc- 
Kinley  high-tariff  bill  entirely  to  the  advantage  of 
the  United  States,  and  the  conclusion  of  the  parcel- 
post  convention  was  in  truth  no  less  than  a  defeat 
in  so  far  as  that  by  it  American  manufacturers  were 
enabled  to  flood  the  German  market  with  their  sample 
packages,  a  confession  that  the  United  States  in  the 
first  transaction  had  in  a  roundabout  way  beaten  the 
German  manufacturers.  The  newspapers,  properly 
coached,  naturally  sang  the  praise  of  Herr  von  Mumm 
in  all  keys,  and  I  was  a  witness  on  one  single  occasion 
to  fifty  clippings  (which  means  that  number  of  articles 
in  his  praise)  being  sent  to  the  Foreign  Office  in  Ber 
lin.  The  Embassy  employes  used  to  shrug  their 
shoulders  and  smile  whenever  Herr  von  Mumm  en 
tered  the  room,  as  they  knew  in  advance  what  brought 
him  to  them. 

The  aim  of  Herr  von  Mumm's  endeavour  was  (and 
still  is)  to  attain  the  post  of  ambassador  at  Washing 
ton.  He  himself  confided  to  me  that  he  hoped  at  not 


HERR  VON  MUMM'S  AMBITIONS          73 

too  distant  a  time  to  go  to  the  United  States  as  am 
bassador,  and  his  satellites  in  the  Anglo-American 
press  were  never  tired  of  reiterating  that  he  was  the 
right  man  for  the  United  States. 

It  was  a  very  curious  fact  that  while  the  press 
campaign  against  Germany  was  silent  as  long  as  Herr 
von  Mumm  was  minister  and  ambassador  extraor 
dinary  plenipotentiary  of  the  Emperor  in  Washing 
ton,  it  broke  out  with  the  old  sharpness  and  passion 
the  moment  Herr  von  Holleben  set  his  foot  once  more 
on  American  soil. 

I  begged  the  Second  Secretary,  Count  Hacke,  for 
an  explanation  of  this  extraordinary  phenomenon  and 
received  from  him  the  characteristic  answer:  "Herr 
von  Mumm  has  accustomed  these  hungry  reporters  to 
his  champagne  lunches  and  now  they  are  furious  that 
they  have  ceased."  This  is  the  explanation  of  my 
noble  friend,  which,  however,  did  not  hit  the  mark. 

Herr  von  Mumm  continued  his  tactics  in  Germany. 
Hardly  arrived  in  Berlin,  he  invited  the  agent  of  the 
Associated  Press,  Herr  Wolff  von  Schierbrand,  and 
his  London  colleague,  Mr.  Walter  Neef,  then  on  a 
business  trip,  at  once  to  a  champagne  dinner  and 
made  on  these  two  American  journalists  such  an  agree 
able  impression  that  Herr  von  Schierbrand  for  half 
a  year  afterward  insisted  that  they  all  (that  is,  the 
American  government  and  press)  wanted  Herr  von 
Holleben  removed  from  his  post  and  to  have  Herr 
von  Mumm  sent  in  his  place  as  ambassador  to  Wash 
ington. 

The  provisional  incumbency  of  Herr  von  Mumm 
came  to  an  end  in  the  capital  and  he  left  for  New 
York,  from  there  to  make  the  return  journey  to  Ger 
many.  But  even  on  board  ship  he  found  time  to  tell 
me  that  the  New  York  Tribune,  the  most  influential 


74  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

paper  in  the  United  States,  would  publish  in  its  next 
Sunday  edition  an  article  inspired  by  him,  about  Count 
von  Biilow — an  article  which  he  would  like  to  have 
me  translate  and  send  to  the  Milnchener  Neuesten 
Nachrichten  as  well  as  to  the  Politischen  Korrespon- 
denz.  I  promised  Herr  von  Mumm,  and  both  papers 
promptly  published  the  questionable  article,  which  in 
any  case  was  read  with  as  much  pleasure  by  the  Im 
perial  Chancellor  as  by  Herr  von  Mumm. 

That  it  was  Herr  von  Mumm  who  sent  in  to  the 
newspapers  all  the  frequent  long  cabled  articles  prais 
ing  the  Kaiser  is,  of  course,  self-evident.  "An  ambi 
tious  young  man,"  so  Herr  Marheinecke,  German  Con 
sul  in  Philadelphia,  characterised  him.  In  fact,  a 
very  ambitious  young  man,  who  understands  the 
great  secret  of  making  a  career  at  any  price ! 


CHAPTER  X 

WHAT  WASHINGTON   BUZZED  ABOUT 

Diplomatic  careers  in  Germany  only  for  the  nobility. — Rem 
iniscences  of  the  Frankfort  federal  diet. — A  few  things 
about  our  Bismarck. — A  policy  of  meekness  and  who  is 
responsible. — Herr  von  Sternburg  knows  how  to  pay  a  com 
pliment. — What  Roosevelt  promised  him  years  ago. — "Dip 
lomatic  work"  in  Washington. — Count  Hacke  excels  as  a 
dancer  of  the  cotillion  and  serpentine. — "With  what  little 
sense  the  world  is  ruled !" — A  witticism  of  the  Turkish 
envoy. — I  write  a  report  for  Count  Hacke. — A  box  on  the 
ears  by  Agricultural  Attache  Benno  von  Hermann. — I  bear 
to  the  victim,  the  most  feared  editor  in  Washington,  a 
remarkable  apology  from  the  Ambassador. — Herr  von 
Bredow's  classic  report. 

THE  diplomatic  career  is  to-day  in  Germany  exclu 
sively  "noblest  and  best  in  the  Nation,"  noble  under 
lined.  According  to  my  observations,  nobility  quali 
fies  without  further  requirement  for  the  diplomat,  and 
the  passing  of  so-called  examinations  is  nothing  but 
a  form,  which  is  not  too  seriously  carried  out. 

The  diplomatic  dude  at  whom  Bismarck  so  strik 
ingly  pokes  fun  in  his  "Congressional  Sketches"  is 
as  effective  to-day  as  in  the  time  of  the  Holy  German 
Confederacy,  and  when  the  subsequent  chancellor 
wrote  of  his  former  colleagues  that  they  always  took 
on  an  important  diplomatic  official  expression  when 
they  asked  for  the  key  of  the  "Kloset,"  so  I  can  only 
say  that  the  young  German  diplomats  in  this  respect 
are  not  to  be  distinguished  from  their  Frankfort 
predecessors. 

75 


76  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

The  make-up  of  the  Embassy  in  Washington  may 
truly  be  considered  typical  of  the  representatives  of 
the  German  Empire  abroad,  and  it  is  not  necessary 
for  me  to  state  that  in  characterising  them  it  is  not 
a  criticism  of  single  persons,  who  are  perfectly  indif 
ferent  to  me,  but  the  system  at  which  I  shall  seek 
to  strike. 

To  begin  at  the  head,  his  excellency,  the  German 
Ambassador,  Herr  Theodor  von  Holleben,  born  in 
Stettin,  was  a  diplomat  of  the  Bismarck  school.  He 
spent  several  years  as  resident  minister  in  South 
America,  was  later  envoy  to  Japan,  and  then  was  sent 
to  Washington,  whence  he  went  to  Stuttgart  for  a 
"rest." 

The  United  States  had  in  the  meantime  begun  the 
work  of  changing  its  envoys  to  the  European  powers 
to  ambassadors,  an  action  which  made  a  speaking  dif 
ference  in  raising  the  rank  of  the  European  ambassa 
dors  in  the  American  capital. 

Herr  von  Holleben  was  the  third  representative  of 
the  German  Empire  who  went  to  Washington  as 
ambassador.  There  is  to-day  hardly  any  doubt  that 
the  Foreign  Office  would  have  made  another  choice 
if  it  had  known  how  to  read  the  signs  of  the  times 
aright.  The  coming  Spanish-American  war  threw  its 
shadow  before,  even  then,  but  among  competent  Ger 
man  diplomats  there  was  no  one  who  recognised  the 
storm  which  was  brewing  over  Cuba  or  gave  it  spe 
cial  attention. 

Just  how  falsely  the  leaders  of  Germany's  foreign 
policies  were  informed  of  the  actual  state  of  things 
is  shown  in  the  period  before  and  after  the  beginning 
of  the  war,  when  the  entire  German  press,  without 
exception  of  party,  at  a  sign  from  the  Foreign  Office, 
merrily  let  go  at  the  United  States. 


WHAT  WASHINGTON  BUZZED  ABOUT       77 

For  this  short-sighted  policy  Herr  von  Holleben 
must  be  made  directly  answerable.  For  the  first  time 
in  his  career  he  was  presented  with  great  and  com 
plicated  duties  and  showed  himself  in  no  wise  equal 
to  the  occasion. 

The  war  ended,  as  every  wise  person  had  foreseen, 
with  the  rapid  victory  of  the  United  States;  which 
then,  for  the  first  time,  became  conscious  of  her  posi 
tion  as  a  world  power,  and  as  such  began  to  exercise 
a  reckless  "weltpolitik." 

The  German  Empire  now  reaped  the  fruits  of  the 
short-sighted  policy  of  its  diplomats,  in  that  it  has 
since  been  obliged  to  accept  a  succession  of  humilia 
tions  from  the  government  of  the  United  States, 
which,  for  a  disciple  of  the  "mailed  fist,"  must  have 
been  hard  to  bear.  I  must  confess  unreservedly  that 
even  I,  the  modest  journalist  of  the  Embassy,  was 
often  made  to  blush  when  I  received  commissions  to 
explain  to  the  American  public  the  weak,  lugged-in- 
by-the-ears  excuses  of  the  Ministry  for  Foreign  Af 
fairs  for  repealing  one  after  the  other  a  lot  of  silly, 
aggravating  little  restrictions  imposed  upon  American 
trade. 

Herr  von  Holleben  is  also  answerable  for  the  "lick 
spittle"  policy  of  this  period. 

The  real  staff  of  the  Embassy,  that  is,  secretaries 
and  attaches,  was  composed  of  blue-blooded  aristo 
crats  who  looked  upon  it  rather  as  an  insult  to  live 
for  a  while  in  a  democratic  republic. 

Truth  demands  that  I  should  here  state  that  the 
influential  circles  in  Washington  for  the  most  part 
look  with  derision  and  scorn  on  the  representative 
European  noblemen,  as  they  usually  see  in  them  for 
tune  hunters  and  seekers  for  the  hands  of  rich  Amer 
ican  heiresses. 


78  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

The  Foreign  Office  certainly  does  not  exercise  much 
political  tact  in  sending  only  its  noblemen  as  repre 
sentatives  to  a  republic  which  has  discarded  all  the 
titles  within  its  boundaries  and  made  it  a  duty  that 
any  foreigner  taking  allegiance  shall  absolutely  lay 
aside  his  title.  The  Americans  have  a  scale  for  the 
worth  of  European  titles,  but  in  this  the  Germans 
appear  quite  at  the  bottom. 

The  First  Secretary,  the  head  of  the  Embassy  in 
the  absence  of  his  chief,  was  my  good  friend  Baron 
Speck  von  Sternburg.  "A  plain-looking,  emaciated 
little  man,"  as  several' American  papers  described  him, 
he  had  one  priceless  advantage,  which  his  German 
colleagues  could  not  dispute  him;  his  friendship  with 
Theodore  Roosevelt,  the  equally  reckless  but  success 
ful  politician.  He  had  formerly  been  in  Washington 
as  military  attache,  and  as  such  had  made  the  ac 
quaintance  of  Mr.  Roosevelt,  who  was  then  at  the 
head  of  the  New  York  police.  It  is  said  that  Stern- 
burg  made  the  remark  to  Mr.  Roosevelt,  who  was 
even  at  that  time  rather  susceptible  to  flattery,  that 
he  hoped  some  day  to  greet  him  in  Washington  as 
President  of  the  United  States.  Whereupon  Mr. 
Roosevelt  returned  the  compliment  by  saying  that  if 
his  prophecy  came  true  he  would  see  to  it  that  Baron 
von  Sternburg  and  no  other  should  represent  Germany 
in  the  United  States. 

At  the  time  of  which  I  write  neither  dreamed  of 
the  role  that  fate  had  destined  them  to  play. 

Herr  von  Sternburg  was  not  considered  at  the  em 
bassy  as  in  any  way  a  bright  diplomatic  light,  and 
was  a  sworn  enemy  of  all  writing,  which,  to  the  old 
soldier,  presented  many  difficulties. 

During  the  period  of  the  Spanish-American  war, 
while  he  carried  on  the  business  of  the  Embassy  and 


WHAT  WASHINGTON  BUZZED  ABOUT      79 

Herr  von  Holleben  was  in  Berlin  on  leave  of  absence, 
there  rested  on  him  great  responsibility,  which  he  was 
able  to  discharge  only  by  the  help  of  clever  assistants. 
One  of  these,  Prof.  Hermann  Schonfeld,  raised  the 
claim,  in  my  presence,  of  being  the  actual  originator 
and  compiler  of  most  of  the  reports  that  in  the  sum 
mer  of  the  year  1898  were  sent  from  Washington  to 
the  Foreign  Office  in  Berlin. 

Herr  von  Sternburg's  reports  received  the  highest 
expression  of  official  appreciation,  which  was  shown 
by  conferring  on  him  the  Order  of  the  Red  Eagle,  an 
order  of  the  second  class,  and  an  autograph  letter  from 
the  Emperor. 

The  professor,  who  had  been  left  empty  handed, 
made  a  wry  face  and  made  all  manner  of  captious  re 
marks  about  the  ingratitude  of  German  diplomats, 
and  was  later  only  quieted  when  I  induced  the  Baron 
to  receive  him  in  his  house. 

I  have  already  spoken,  in  another  place,  of  the  dif 
ference  of  opinion  which  existed  between  Herr  von 
Holleben  and  his  first  secretary.  The  latter  at  times 
made  bitter  complaints  to  me  about  the  attitude  of 
his  excellency  and  was  altogether  on  my  side  in  my 
conflicts  with  the  Ambassador.  His  friendship  for 
me  at  that  time  went  so  far  that  when  I  was  leaving 
Washington  he  warned  me  against  a  letter  of  intro 
duction  to  Prince  Philip  Eulenburg,  which  Herr  von 
Holleben  had  given  me  of  his  own  accord. 

Herr  von  Holleben  prevented  Herr  von  Sternburg 
from  being  named  as  German  envoy  to  Mexico,  which 
post  he  had  confidently  expected  as  a  reward  for  his 
services  in  the  Samoan  affair;  instead  of  which  he  was 
sent  as  German  Consul  General  to  hot  Calcutta,  where 
he  would  be  stewing  to-day  if  he  had  not  warned  the 


8o  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

writer  against  the  letter  of  introduction  to  Prince 
Eulenburg  from  Herr  von  Holleben. 

The  Second  Secretary  of  the  embassy  was  Count 
Hacke,  a  genuine  "Markischer  Junker,"  renowned 
through  the  Washington  papers  as  an  excellent  cotil 
lion  leader,  and  that  he  had  distinguished  himself  par 
ticularly  as  a  Hoochy  Koochy  dancer  at  the  men's 
evening  at  the  Turkish  Embassy.  Of  this  entertain 
ment  given  by  the  Sultan's  envoy,  which  was  attended 
by  nearly  all  the  young  European  envoys,  I  was  told 
by  the  Under-Secretary  of  State,  David  J.  Hill,  that 
never  before  had  he  seen  so  many  stupid  faces  gath 
ered  together  on  one  occasion,  and  that  he  was  forcibly 
reminded  of  the  words  of  the  Swedish  Chancellor, 
Oxenstjerna,  "By  how  little  wisdom  the  world  is 
ruled/'" 

It  was  at  this  same  men's  evening,  if  I  remember 
rightly,  that  Ali  Ferrouh  Bey  coined  a  clever  witti 
cism  at  the  expense  of  the  young  German  diplomat. 
The  two  men  were  in  a  dispute,  in  the  course  of  which 
Count  Hacke  threw  the  remark  in  the  envoy's  teeth : 
"Mais,  Monsieur  le  ministre,  moi,  je  suis  Comte." 
As  quick  as  lightning  the  well-armed  Osmane  replied : 
"Monsieur  le  Comte,  il  y  a  des  Comtes  qui  ne  comptent 
pas."  Ali  Ferrouh  Bey  had  the  laugh  on  his  side. 
The  American  press  had  otherwise  no  good  char 
acteristics  to  publish  of  Count  Hacke.  Though  he 
never  made  a  secret  of  his  aversion  to  reporters  he 
did  them  the  honour  of  allowing  them  to  lay  the  foun 
dation  of  his  reports  to  the  Foreign  Office.  Unfor 
tunately,  he  committed  the  oversight  of  forgetting 
the  newspaper  clippings  from  which  he  gained  his 
wisdom  and  thereby  betrayed  to  the  jeering  govern 
ment  officers  the  secret  of  his  plagiarism. 

Of  the  same  calibre  as  the  old  Frankfort  diplo- 


WHAT  WASHINGTON  BUZZED  ABOUT      81 

mats  whom  Bismarck  has  so  cleverly  described,  he 
sought  to  give  the  most  insignificant  matters  an  ap 
pearance  of  great  importance.  When  I  had  an  inter 
view  with  him  he  would  first,  with  his  own  hand, 
close  the  door,  after  having  assured  himself  tjhat 
there  was  no  listener  outside,  then  he  would  glance 
suspiciously  around  the  room  to  make  sure  there 
were  no  witnesses,  sink  his  voice,  and  in  flute-like 
tones  lay  his  concern  before  me.  I  must  still  laugh 
heartily  at  the  remembrance  of  how  once,  after  this 
mysterious  introduction,  he  admitted  he  was  not  in 
a  position  to  give  a  report  to  the  Ambassador,  which 
the  latter  had  asked  for,  concerning  the  result  of  the 
American  election  (which  had  just  taken  place), 
though  he  had  collected  thirty  newspaper  clippings  on 
the  subject.  Finally  he  came  out  with  the  request 
that  I  would  do  him  the  favour  of  making  the  report 
for  him.  I  promised,  and  wrote  the  report,  in  which 
I  used  the  expression  "Legislatur  Wahlen"  (legislative 
elections). 

When  I  handed  him  the  composition  he  asked  me  in 
all  seriousness  for  an  explanation  of  the  expression. 
Imagine  this  secretary  for  the  German  Ambassador 
who,  in  spite  of  passing  diplomatic  examinations,  did 
not  know  the  meaning  of  the  words  "Legislatur- 
Wahlen,"  having  official  intercourse  with  the  shrewd 
representatives  of  the  American  government! 

A  worthy  companion-piece  to  Count  Hacke  was 
the  agricultural  attache  of  the  Embassy,  the  Baron 
Benno  von  Hermann,  Royal  Chamberlain  of  Wiirt- 
temberg.  Though  he  had  book-learning,  he  had  very 
little  practical  knowledge  of  agriculture  and  a  mem 
ber  of  the  Embassy  who  had  taken  a  walk  with  him 
in  the  environs  of  Washington  said  to  me:  "He 
gave  me  a  pain!" 


82  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

For  his  galling  labours  he  received  the  nice  little 
sum  of  19,000  marks,  entirely  apart  from  his  travelling 
expenses,  etc.,  for  the  innumerable  journeys  he  took 
in  the  interest  of  his  service.  He  was  the  hero  of 
numerous  scandals,  among  others  one  in  which  he 
received  a  box  on  the  ears  may  not  be  out  of  place 
here.  Not  a  little  astonishment  was  felt  in  the  social 
circles  of  Washington  when  it  became  known  that  in 
the  exclusive  Metropolitan  Club  a  fist  fight  had  taken 
place  between  Herr  von  Hermann  and  the  editor-in- 
chief  of  the  Washington  Post,  Mr.  W. 

Different  reasons  were  given  for  the  unfortunate 
affair.  Some  wished  to  make  out  that  the  German 
agriculturist  wanted  to  punish  the  American  journal 
ist  on  account  of  insulting  remarks  made  about  the 
Kaiser.  Others  believed  that  Mr.  W.,  who  has  the 
sharpest  pen  in  all  Washington,  had  aroused  the  anger 
of  the  Baron  against  him  by  connecting  him  with  a 
social  scandal  of  the  day. 

Be  that  as  it  may,  and  probably  both  explanations 
had  truth  in  them,  the  fact  remains  that  Baron  von 
Hermann  ill  repaid  the  hospitality  of  the  Metropolitan 
Club,  and  the  affair,  whichever  may  be  accepted,  does 
not  speak  well  for  German  diplomacy. 

The  Ambassador  had  to  suffer  most,  for  up  to  that 
time  the  Post  had  been  no  particular  friend  of  the 
German  policy  and  its  supporters,  and  from  then  on 
it  chose  the  Ambassador  and  the  Kaiser  as  the  prin 
cipal  aim  for  its  attacks.  The  affair  took  exactly  the 
course  which  I  had  expected.  Herr  von  Holleben 
requested  me  to  discreetly  assure  Mr.  W.  that  the 
Ambassador  regretted  extremely  the  unfortunate  cir 
cumstance;  that  he  had  spoken  very  seriously  to  Herr 
von  Hermann  about  it,  and  that  he  would  be  very 
pleased  to  receive  Mr.  W.  at  any  time  at  the  Embassy 


WHAT  WASHINGTON  BUZZED  ABOUT      83 

in  order  to  repeat  personally  this  declaration.  Fur 
ther,  Herr  von  Hermann  was  not  actually  a  diplomat, 
but  only  an  agriculturist,  a  peasant,  and  it  would  mean 
paying  too  much  attention  to  the  person  and  the  oc 
currence  if  his  recall  were  demanded  from  Berlin. 

Through  the  medium  of  a  common  friend  I  made 
the  acquaintance  of  one  of  the  editors  of  the  Post, 
Captain  Allen,  whom  I  requested  to  explain  the  Am 
bassador's  statement  to  his  chief.  There  were,  how 
ever,  no  noticeable  results  in  the  attitude  of  the  paper. 

The  second  agricultural  attache  in  my  time  was  a 
boorish  stripling,  Herr  von  Bredon,  who  in  a  very 
short  time  became  a  popular  figure  in  Washington. 
When  I  went  to  the  Embassy,  I  often  had  the  pleasure 
of  meeting  him  before  the  gate  where  he  was  hav 
ing  riding  horses  led  by  and  was  bargaining  with 
their  owners  for  their  purchase.  He  was  tall  and 
slender,  with  the  typical  Prussian  lieutenant's  face 
of  Simplizissimus,  with  a  long  mantle,  and  in  high 
patent  leather  boots,  he  made,  at  least  for  the  inhabi 
tants  of  the  capital,  rather  an  odd  impression,  of 
which  he  was  wholly  unconscious. 

An  amusing  tale  was  in  circulation  about  him, 
which  came  out  through  the  indiscretion  of  a  servant. 
In  one  of  the  few  reports  made  by  him  to  the  agri 
cultural  minister  in  Berlin,  he  made  the  classic  state 
ment:  "In  this  country  the  horses  eat  as  much  oats 
as  they  please!"  It  did  not  seem  to  Herr  von  Bre 
don  to  be  right  that  even  the  horses  in  America  are 
better  off  than  in  Germany.  The  report  caused  the 
greatest  amusement  in  the  narrow  circles  of  the  Em 
bassy,  and  was  not  a  small  factor  in  bringing  about 
the  popularity  of  the  author.  Herr  von  Bredon  could 
proudly  say  of  himself  that  he  had  no  enemies.  His 
whole  appearance,  his  innocent,  childlike  face,  his  blue 


84  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

eyes  and  his  high  treble  voice  opened  the  hearts  of  all 
the  people  with  whom  he  came  in  contact.  His  term 
in  Washington  did  not  last  long;  soon  after  the  report 
on  the  American  horse  he  was  removed  from  his 
post,  but  returned  later  to  marry  a  daughter  of  a 
United  States  Senator — lucky  Hans! 

Chapter  XI  is  omitted  here. 

(This  chapter  deals  exclusively  with  personal  scan 
dals  in  and  about  the  German  Embassy  in  Washington, 
which  throw  no  light  on  the  serious  side  of  these 
revelations. ) 


CHAPTER  XII 

MY    CONNECTION   IS   BETRAYED 

Paul  Haediche,  representative  of  the  Wolff  Bureau,  and 
agent  of  Herr  von  Holleben  in  New  York,  betrays  the 
secret  of  my  connection  with  the  Embassy. — The  Ambassa 
dor  won't  listen  to  a  denial. — Results  of  Haediche's  indis 
cretion.— My  position  the  subject  of  repeated  conferences 
between  Ambassador  and  chancellor. — Count  Biilow  satis 
fied  with  my  activities. — Herr  von  Holleben  brings  me 
good  news  from  Berlin. — Three  days  later  the  situation  is 
announced  to  me. — Herr  von  Holleben  offers  me  a  recom 
mendation  to  the  German  Ambassador  at  Vienna. — Text 
of  the  letter. — Herr  von  Sternburg  warns  me. 

MY  own  position  under  the  circumstances  described 
was  not  very  agreeable.  As  a  burgher  among  all  these 
noble  secretaries  and  attaches,  I  had  a  difficult  role 
and  in  truth  was  not  able  to  call  one  of  them  my 
friend,  although  nearly  all  of  them  asked  me  to  render 
them  small  favours. 

Through  an  ill-natured  indiscretion,  Paul  Haediche, 
who  was  the  confidential  man  of  the  Foreign  Office  for 
the  Associated  Press  and  the  New  York  representative 
of  Wolff,  made  known  the  secret  of  my  alliance  with 
the  Embassy,  and  thereby  the  carrying  out  of  my 
duties  became  more  difficult. 

It  was,  if  I  remember  rightly,  about  two  months 
after  the  Samoan  affair,  which  has  already  been  al 
luded  to  in  a  former  chapter,  when  one  day  my  atten 
tion  was  attracted  to  a  long  article  in  the  Washington 
Evening  Star,  which  described  my  person  and  my 
business  with  the  Embassy.  As  it  contained  the  most 

85 


86  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

precise  information,  it  could  only  have  come  from 
some  one  "on  the  inside"  and  there  were  indications 
that  the  German- American  journalist  Habercorn  was 
the  author,  having  the  material  from  Paul  Haediche. 

In  the  article  in  the  Star  my  name  was  not  men 
tioned,  but  the  next  day  I  was  known  through  the 
length  and  breadth  of  the  land,  as  the  article  ap 
peared  as  a  telegram  in  the  Associated  Press  and 
made  the  round  of  the  entire  press  of  the  country,  this 
time  not  forgetting  to  give  my  name. 

"The  German  government  makes  concessions  to  the 
spirit  of  the  times/'  so  it  was  stated  in  the  commentaries 
which  were  sent  to  the  Ambassador  and  to  me,  "and 
has  sent  an  approved  German  journalist  who  enjoys 
the  special  confidence  of  the  Emperor,  as  adviser  of 
the  German  embassy  in  Washington  and  has  given 
him  the  difficult  and  responsible  mission  of  bringing 
about,  through  the  American  press,  a  better  under 
standing  of  the  German  people  and  German  politics." 

With  this  notice  in  my  hand  I  hurried  to  the  Ger 
man  Ambassador  to  beg  of  him  the  right  to  deny  it. 
I  said  to  him:  "There  is  just  as  much  reason  for 
calling  Herr  Wolff  von  Schierbrand  in  Berlin  an 
attache  or  counsel  of  the  American  Embassy  there  be 
cause,  as  a  representative  of  the  Associated  Press,  he 
daily  sees  the  American  Ambassador  and  takes  care  of 
the  Embassy  affairs  for  the  press,  as  to  call  me  the 
German  Ambassador's  adviser  because,  as  a  represen 
tative  of  the  N ' orddeutscher  Zeitung,  I  make  daily 
visits  to  the  Embassy  and  impart  to  the  American 
press  the  news  of  the  Embassy." 

"Things  once  happened  cannot  be  changed,  my 
dear  sir,"  replied  the  Ambassador,  "and  you  must 
accommodate  yourself  now  to  the  position  of  Press 
Attache  and  Imperial  German  Embassy  Adviser,  if 


MY  CONNECTION  IS  BETRAYED  87 

you  wish  to  take  care  of  the  press  business  of  the 
German  Empire/' 

Paul  Haediche's  indiscretion  had  at  least  led  to  an 
official  recognition  of  my  position,  but  at  the  same 
time  (and  that  had  been  its  object)  it  had  sowed  a 
mistrust  of  my  personality  in  the  widest  circles  of 
the  American  press.  When  Herr  von  Holleben  re 
turned  from  his  vacation  in  the  fall  of  the  same  year, 
he  let  me  know  through  Ho  f rat  Kinne  that  he  had 
spoken  several  times  about  my  case  to  the  chancellor, 
and  I  was  to  remain  in  my  position,  which  I  had  filled 
to  the  full  satisfaction  of  himself  and  the  chancellor. 
Three  days  later  I  received  a  notice  that  my  services 
with  the  Embassy  must  be  terminated,  as  the  relations 
between  Germany  and  the  United  States  were  so  ex 
cellent  that  it  was  thought  unnecessary  to  use  any 
further  influence  with  the  American  press. 

I  was  not  prepared  for  this  information,  which 
came  as  a  complete  surprise,  and  I  can  only  account 
for  the  Ambassador's  sudden  change  of  mind  by  re 
membering  that  in  the  past  three  days  he  had  had  an 
interview  in  New  York  with  Herr  Haediche,  the  pub 
lisher  of  Wolff's  Bureau.  I  told  Hofrat  Kinne  that 
I  had  received  the  order.  Then  I  tried  to  get  a  posi 
tion  as  correspondent  of  a  German-American  paper, 
but  without  success,  as  my  word  was  not  accepted  that 
I  was  no  longer  in  the  service  of  the  Embassy.  They 
saw  in  me  now,  as  before,  the  paid  secret  agent  of 
the  German  Government. 

Mr.  Edgar  W.  Coleman,  the  well-known  publisher 
of  the  Milwaukee  Herald,  wrote  to  me  quite  openly, 
and  I  took  his  letter  to  the  Ambassador  to  show  him 
in  what  an  extraordinary  position  I  had  been  placed 
by  his  dismissal  of  me. 

After  reading  and  re-reading  the  letter,  he  turned 


88  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

to  me  with  an  engaging  smile:  "In  case  you  would 
care  to  return  to  Vienna,"  he  began,  "I  would  gladly 
give  you  a  letter  of  introduction  to  Prince  Eulenburg. 
I  have  read  that  the  increase  in  the  newspaper  tax  at 
the  beginning  of  the  year  is  going  to  bring  about  an 
entire  change  in  the  Austrian  newspaper  industry  and 
I  am  convinced  that  there  you  will  find  a  good  field 
for  your  labours." 

As  no  choice  was  left  to  me,  I  accepted  the  Am 
bassador's  proposal.  I  give  below  the  contents  of  the 
letter  of  ,  introduction  to  Prince  Eulenburg,  which 
Herr  von  Sternburg  himself  brought  to  my  apartment 
and  handed  me  with  a  very  serious  expression: 

"Washington,  3  February,  1900. 
"My  dear  Prince: 

"Allow  me  to  introduce  to  you  in  the  bearer  of  these  lines 
the  German  journalist,  Herr  E.  Witte,  who  for  the  past  year 
has  rendered  valuable  services  to  this  embassy,  and  who  is 
now  considering  returning  to  Vienna,  where  he  has  worked 
in  the  past  and  has  good  connections.  He  wishes  me  to 
recommend  him  to  your  kindness,  which  I  gladly  do,  in  the 
hope  that  your  Highness  may  have  an  opportunity  of  making 
use  of  his  services. 

"With  most  respectful  sentiments, 

"HOLLEBEN." 

"That  is  more  than  I  expected,"  I  remarked  to  Herr 
von  Sternburg,  who  had  observed  me  closely  during 
my  perusal  of  the  letter.  "May  I  look  at  the  letter?" 
asked  the  Baron,  who  then  read  it  slowly  and  thought 
fully. 

When,  about  ten  days  later,  I  took  leave  of  Herr 
von  Sternburg,  he  laid  his  finger  on  his  mouth  and 
said,  while  looking  at  me  with  meaning:  "Beware! 
If  I  were  in  your  place,  I  should  place  no  confidence 
in  the  letter  to  Prince  Eulenburg" 

(Here  ends  the  manuscript  written  by  me  in  Paris.) 


CHAPTER  XIII 

FOUNDATION    OF   THE   REUTER   BUREAU 

"Faked  as  telegraphed." — A  formidable  triple  alliance. — "W. 
T.  B.,"  "A.  P."  and  "R.  T.  B."— How  I  entered  the  Reuter 
service. — Romantic  history  of  the  "King  of  the  Telegraph." 
— The  suppressed  news  of  Lincoln's  assassination. — Bis 
marck  decreed  Renter's  banishment. — Reuter's  ambitious 
son. — He  wants  to  be  a  second  Moses. — I  become  acquainted 
with  Dr.  Englander. — Reuter  offers  the  German  Empire 
a  protectorate  over  Colombia. — His  Mohammedan  Agency. 
— Beginning  of  the  era  of  Anglo-American  swindling  in 
the  German  Empire. — A  special  telegram  to  the  Berlin 
Lokal-Anseiger. — The  Wolff  Bureau  and  the  "Golden  In 
ternational." — Subscriptions  on  the  news  of  His  Majesty's 
death. — Falsifications  of  Russian  official  telegrams. — The 
Vienna  Foreign  Office  secures  a  direct  wire  to  St.  Peters 
burg  as  a  result  of  my  article. — More  light  on  the  Asso 
ciated  Press. — The  "A.  P."  refuses  publication  to  a  denial 
by  von  Biilow. 

IN  the  foregoing  section  I  have  repeated  that  the 
Wolff schen  Tepeschen  Bureau  in  Berlin  is  known  to 
all  the  German  newspaper  readers  as  W.  T.  B.  or 
"Continental  Telegraphen  Gessellschaft"  and  to  the 
Americans  as  the  Associated  Press. 

As  the  world  has  very  little  knowledge  of  these  two 
offices,  as  well  as  the  Reuter  Bureau  in  London,  al 
though  well  accustomed  to  seeing  the  initials  which 
designate  them,  "W.  T.  B.,"  "A.  P.,"  "R.  T.  B.," 
daily  on  their  papers,  I  believe  I  am  doing  the  public 
in  general  a  great  service  if  at  this  point  I  give  a 
rather  detailed  account  of  the  three  companies'  incor 
porated  "ring,"  the  telegraph  news  bureau,  and  their 

89 


90  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

workings,  which  are  often  dangerous  for  the  well 
being  and  peace  of  the  peoples,  before  proceeding  with 
my  personal  experiences  in  Vienna. 

My  revelations  will  create  surprise,  consternation 
and  agitation  on  both  sides  of  the  ocean,  and  I  hope 
will  lead  to  a  reform  of  the  existing  almost  unbeliev 
able  situation. 

Fate  led  me  into  many  personal  relations  with  the 
three  companies  and  their  managers,  and  therefore  I 
do  not  hesitate  to  be  fully  responsible  for  what  I 
here  state. 

I  will  begin  with  the  Reuter  Bureau,  as  my  rela 
tionship  to  this  was  responsible  for  my  whole  future 
and  laid  the  foundation  of  numerous  entanglements 
into  which  in  later  life  I  was  drawn  against  my  will. 
It  certainly  was  no  lucky  day  for  me,  as  at  the  end 
of  January,  1891,  when  I  was  in  Constantinople  as 
correspondent  for  the  Vienna  Fremdemblatt,  the  Ham- 
bur  gischen  Borsenhalle,  the  Frankfurter  Journal  and 
numerous  other  papers,  I  received  an  offer,  quite  un 
sought  by  me,  to  become  connected  with  the  Reuter 
Bureau  in  London. 

"We  have  been  looking  for  you  for  half  a  year  in 
all  the  capitals  of  Europe,"  so  the  letter  ran,  "to  offer 
you  a  permanent  position,  well  paid,  as  publisher  for 
us  of  the  Allgemeinen  Korrespondenz,  for  the  Ger 
man  Empire,  Austria  and  Switzerland.  If  you  are 
in  a  position  to  accept  our  proposal,  we  beg  you  to 
notify  us  by  wire,  through  our  reporter  there  (in 
Constantinople),  Herr  Caesar  Moffer,  and  at  once 
start  for  London." 

The  offer  put  me  in  rather  a  dilemma,  but  I  finally 
decided,  after  discussing  the  matter  with  my  friends, 
that  I  ought  not  to  forego  the  chance,  and  I  ac 
cepted. 


FOUNDATION  OF  THE  REUTER  BUREAU      91 

Of  the  inner  situation  and  general  workings  of  the 
Reuter  offices,  I  had  then  as  little  idea  as  the  great 
majority  of  newspaper  readers,  who  read  the  news 
in  the  papers  with  no  definite  notion  as  to  how  it  finds 
its  way  there. 

Even  a  man  of  Dr.  Joseph  Eugene  Russell's  ex 
perience,  whose  connection  through  long  years  with 
the  Kolnischen  Zeitung  as  editor  and  later  as  Vienna 
correspondent,  was  not  able  to  inform  me,  when  I 
visited  him  while  passing  through  Vienna  to  London 
and  asked  him  to  tell  me  something  of  Baron  von 
Reuter.  He  was  only  able  to  reply  that  he  thought 
the  Reuters  were  an  old  Dutch  noble  family  who, 
among  others,  had  the  Admiral  de  Ruyter  as  ances 
tor.  This  was  absolutely  false. 

The  founder  of  the  Telegraph  Bureau  which  is 
named  after  him  was  born  in  1821  in  Cassel,  of  poor 
Jewish  parents  who  bore  the  name  of  Josaphat.  In 
early  youth  he  was  thrown  on  his  own  resources,  his 
whole  wealth  for  his  journey  in  life  consisting  of  a 
careless,  imperturbable,  fearless  spirit  of  adventure, 
and  this  dowry  he  knew  so  well  how  to  use  that  at 
his  death  he  left  an  estate  of  many  millions  pounds 
sterling. 

I  am  not  sure  whether  Bismarck's  pungent  state 
ment,  "Lied  as  telegraphed,"  referred  to  Paul  Julius 
Reuter,  who,  after  the  war  of  1866,  was  banished  from 
Berlin  for  anti-Prussian  intrigue  in  connection  with 
the  western  agent,  Oskar  Meding,  but  never  did  the 
creator  of  the  German  Empire  speak  truer  words. 

The  muse  of  history  has  hung  a  kindly  veil  over 
the  first  business  undertaking  of  the  young  Reuter, 
alias  Josaphat.  In  the  published  biography  of  the 
"Telegraph  King,"  the  stress  and  storm  period  of  his 
life  is  passed  amiably  over  and  it  only  touches  lightly 


92  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

on  the  fact  that  in  Gottingen  he  was  in  a  bank  and  later 
was  a  partner  in  a  publishing  firm  in  Berlin. 

He  then  went  to  London,  in  a  roundabout  way 
through  Aix-la-Chapelle,  Paris  and  Brussels,  and  in 
the  year  1851  he  founded  his  "Bureau." 

After  he  had  founded  a  carrier-pigeon  service  in 
Aix,  which,  however,  failed  after  the  invention  of  the 
telegraph  by  Werner  Siemens,  Reuter  and  his  wife 
went  to  Paris,  where  they  became  acquainted  with  Dr. 
Sigmund  Englander,  one  of  the  'i48-ers  who  had  been 
sentenced  to  death  in  Vienna  on  account  of  his  having 
taken  part  in  the  revolution,  but  who  had  fled  and 
found  a  position  in  the  French  capital  on  the  Agence 
Havas.  Dr.  Englander,  who  was  always  a  great 
admirer  of  beautiful  women,  sympathised  with  the 
young  married  people,  who  were  in  very  straitened 
circumstances,  and  found  employment  for  Reuter,  for 
the  time  being,  in  Brussels,  while  his  interesting  wife 
remained  alone  in  the  Babel  on  the  Seine. 

After  a  while  Reuter  was  unable  to  make  a  living 
in  Brussels  and  so  he  moved  with  his  family  to  Lon 
don,  where  Dr.  Englander  soon  followed  them,  as, 
having  taken  part  in  a  conspiracy,  he  was  obliged  to 
fly  for  his  life. 

Together  they  founded  the  "Bureau  Reuter,"  of 
which  the  only  capital  was  Dr.  Englander,  as  the 
head  and  soul,  and  Julius  Reuter  with  his  business 
talent.  But  with  all  the  pains  Reuter  might  take, 
running  to  the  different  publishers  and  representing 
himself  as  a  former  political  despatch  carrier  con 
trolling  important  inside  relationships  with  European 
governments,  the  young  industry  was  unable  to  ge! 
a  start.  It  was  constantly  getting  into  difficulties, 
and,  as  one  possessed,  Julius  Reuter  went  from  one 


FOUNDATION  OF  THE  REUTER  BUREAU      93 

to  another  of  his  friends  in  order  to  collect  a  few 
pounds. 

My  authority  for  these  facts  is  a  worthy  old  Jew, 
Herr  Louis  Bamberger,  who  at  that  time  was  living 
in  London  as  secretary  to  the  "Diamond  King,"  and 
with  him  helped  to  found  the  Deutsche  Wochenschrift 
Hermann.  "How  deep  I  have  dug  into  my  pockets," 
the  old  man  told  me,  "when  Reuter  would  come  whin 
ing  around!  And  how  did  he  reward  my  kindness? 
If  to-day  he  were  to  stand  before  me  I  should  say  to 
him,  'Stand  in  front  of  the  mirror  and  spit  at  your 
self  in  the  face!'" 

Things  for  the  first  time  became  better  when  Dr. 
Englander  succeeded  in  concluding  a  new  secret  con 
nection  with  Napoleon  III.  The  first  of  January, 
1859,  came,  on  which  the  Emperor  insulted  the  Aus 
trian  Ambassador  at  the  New  Year's  reception.  An 
hour  later  the  words  of  his  speech  were  in  Renter's 
hands,  who  knew  the  best  possible  use  to  make  of  it. 

The  Times,  which  up  to  that  day  had  never  ac 
cepted  a  single  Reuter  announcement,  ordered  an  ex 
tra  edition  of  its  paper  with  the  sensational  news, 
and  Reuter's  fortune  was  made. 

Still  more  important,  and  more  productive  finan 
cially  for  Reuter,  was  the  news  of  the  murder  of  the 
American  President  Lincoln,  which  he,  in  all  Europe, 
received  first  and  exclusively.  James  Heckscher  of 
Hamburg  was  at  that  time  the  Reuter  agent  in  New 
York,  and  received  the  news  of  the  shooting  just  after 
the  mail  steamer  had  sailed.  He  did  not  hesitate, 
but  chartered  a  special  tug,  followed  the  steamer, 
reached  it  and  handed  the  captain  the  announcement 
to  be  delivered  to  Reuter. 

There  was  no  cable  at  that  time  between  the  Old 
and  the  New  World,  and  Reuter  had  a  period  of 


94  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

several  days  before  the  arrival  of  another  steamer. 
As  might  be  expected,  he  did  not  give  the  news  to 
the  press,  but  took  advantage  of  it  on  the  Board  of 
Trade,  where  he,  in  connection  with  some  friendly 
bankers,  made  a  tremendous  haul.  He  had  not  studied 
in  vain  the  history  of  the  founder  of  the  Rothschild 
house,  who  watched  the  battle  of  Waterloo  from  a 
hill  and  at  the  moment  when  he  became  convinced  that 
Napoleon  had  lost  hurried  back  to  London,  where 
as  yet  no  one  had  an  idea  of  the  English-German  vic 
tory,  and  where  by  a  judicious  use  of  the  news  he 
gained  millions  on  the  Exchange. 

A  giant  stroke  of  Reuter's  was  the  laying  of  the 
cable  from  Lowestoft  to  Norderney.  In  connection 
with  Oskar  Meding,  Reuter  was  able  by  all  kinds  of 
juggling  to  obtain  in  an  underhand  way  the  concession 
for  this  cable  from  the  blind  king  George  of  Hanover, 
for  the  benefit  of  which  he  changed  his  "Bureau" 
into  a  joint  stock  company  with  a  capital  of  250,000 
pounds  sterling.  The  stock  was  worth  about  25 
pounds  sterling,  and  from  this  sum  100,000  pounds 
was  spent  on  the  laying  of  the  cable.  This  cable 
Reuter  allowed  an  English  telegraph  company  to  use, 
which  received  for  a  cablegram  of  twenty  words  the 
sum  of  two  marks,  while  the  rest,  or  four  marks,  re 
mained  for  the  Reuter  company.  In  the  year  1869, 
all  the  English  Atlantic  cables  were  bought  up  by  the 
English  government;  and  after  a  long  contest  on 
both  sides  the  sum  of  726,000  pounds  sterling  was 
paid  to  the  Reuter  Company  for  the  Lowestoft-Nor- 
derney,  whereby  the  company  was  in  a  position  to  call 
in  their  2 5 -pound  sterling  stock,  pay  the  stockholders 
about  80  pounds  for  every  share,  and  notably  reduce 
the  capital  and  place  the  stock  on  an  eight  per  cent 
basis. 


FOUNDATION  OF  THE  REUTER  BUREAU   95 

Renter,  who  at  the  beginning  held  3,000  shares  of 
his  own  stock,  remarked  with  a  beaming  countenance, 
when  the  transaction  had  been  happily  completed : 
'That's  what  I  call  business."  Then  he  turned  to 
Dr.  Englander,  as  he  himself  told  me  later,  with  the 
words:  "You  see,  Sigmund,  if  you  had  made  a 
written  contract  with  me,  you  would  now  have  a 
million  marks  from  me.  But  as  you  have  no  contract, 
you  must  take  what  I  see  fit  to  give  you  of  my  own 
accord." 

Dr.  Englander  remained  as  general  manager  in 
the  service  of  the  company,  but  from  that  day  on 
never  exchanged  a  word  with  Julius  Reuter. 

Even  more  Reuter-like  was  Reuter's  Persian  specu 
lation.  It  is  not  generally  known  that  Nasr-ed-Din, 
Shah  of  Persia,  undertook  his  first  tour  of  Europe  at 
the  inducement  of  the  "Telegraph  King."  The  money 
for  this  journey,  which  amounted  to  300,000  pounds 
sterling,  flowed  from  Reuter's  pocket,  who,  as  a  re 
ward,  received  all  the  concessions  that  the  Shah  had 
to  dispose  of  in  his  kingdom — concessions  of  far- 
reaching  political  consequence  which  led  to  a  diplo 
matic  controversy  between  Russia  and  England,  the 
latter  naturally  standing  entirely  on  the  side  of  its 
protege.  It  was  the  proudest  moment  in  the  life  of 
Julius  Reuter,  Baron  by  the  grace  of  Duke  Ernest  of 
Saxe-Coburg,  when  he  signed  the  questionable  con 
tract — a  moment  which  has  been  immortalised  in  oil 
by  the  brush  of  the  London  portrait  painter,  Rudolf 
Lehmann.  The  Imperial  Bank  of  Persia  is,  for  ex 
ample,  one  of  the  Reuter  enterprises  in  Persia. 

Julius  Reuter  and  Dr.  Wolff,  a  partner  in  Wolff's 
Bureau,  and  owner  of  the  Berlin  National  Zeitung, 
had  originally  come  to  an  agreement  which  defined 
accurately  for  each  side  its  business  sphere  and  made 


96  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

it  impossible  for  one  side  to  compete  with  the  other. 
This  understanding  expired  and  Reuter  opened,  in 
secret  understanding  with  Oskar  Meding,  a  Bureau  of 
his  own  in  Berlin,  which  was  intended  to  represent 
Guelph  interests.  Dr.  Wolff  answered  the  attack  of 
his  competitors  by  opening  a  Bureau  of  his  own  in 
London.  There  now  began  a  lively  war  of  the  des 
patch  offices,  which  on  both  sides  was  not  always 
fought  with  honourable  weapons. 

The  actions  of  Renter's  Bureau  became  too  rich 
for  Count  von  Bismarck  and  he  decided  to  close  it 
up.  In  this  difficult  position  Dr.  Englander  showed 
himself  to  be  Renter's  right  hand  and  a  fully  devel 
oped  one,  too.  He  went  to  Dr.  Wolff  and  asked  for 
a  private  interview,  in  the  course  of  which  he  re 
gretted  the  competition  between  the  two  offices  and 
declared  himself  ready  to  effect  the  abolishment  of 
the  Reuter  Berlin  agency,  if  Wolff  would  abolish  his 
in  London  and  would  cede  to  Reuter  a  part  of  his 
stock.  That  he  was  able  to  move  Dr.  Wolff  to  accept 
this  proposal  which  gave  to  the  owner  of  Renter's 
Bureau  a  much  greater  influence  in  Prussian  politics 
and  Prussian  high  finance  than  under  its  former  cir 
cumstances,  is,  of  all  his  "noble  deeds,"  the  one  on 
which  Dr.  Englander  most  prides  himself. 

To  revenge  himself  on  Bismarck  and  to  have  a 
weapon  against  the  Prussian  government  in  hand, 
Reuter  bought  the  Allgemeinen  Korrespondenz,  which 
had  been  called  into  being  by  Dr.  Schlesinger,  a  Lon 
don  correspondent  of  the  Kolnischen  Zeitung,  but 
which  had  been  entirely  divested  of  its  fighting  char 
acter  when  I  took  charge  of  the  publication. 

The  old  smoke-blackened  house,  number  24  Old 
Jewry,  in  which  is  established  Renter's  Telegraph 
Company,  Limited,  does  not  make  a  favourable  im- 


FOUNDATION  OF  THE  REUTER  BUREAU   97 

pression  on  the  visitor,  with  its  narrow,  steep  stairs 
and  low,  dark  rooms.  It  is  full  of  gloomy  secrets 
and  in  the  dark  corners  seem  to  lurk  the  ghosts  of 
exchange  panics  which  have  been  brought  about  by 
Renter's  telegrams.  In  this  house  work  is  uninter 
rupted,  day  and  night,  in  a  breathless  and  heavy  at 
mosphere.  Numerous  young  boys  in  grey  messenger 
uniforms  run  up  and  down  the  stairs  and  inform  the 
reporters  of  the  despatches  sent  out  from  the  office. 

In  this  environment  the  present  director  general, 
Herbert  de  Renter,  grew  up — a  man  of  medium  size 
and,  in  my  time,  slender  form  with  reddish  hair  and 
moustache,  restless  blue  eyes  and  pleasant  manners. 
He  appeared  to  the  casual  observer  to  embody  the 
type  of  German- Jew  business  man  transplanted  to 
English  soil,  who  no  longer  wishes  to  be  reminded  of 
his  origin. 

The  laurels  of  his  father  do  not  permit  of  his  sleep 
ing.  The  victim  of  a  demon  pride,  his  mind  is  day 
and  night  fastened  on  the  idea  of  being  the  founder 
of  a  new  dynasty  of  finance  barons,  mightier  and 
stronger  even  than  Rothschild  in  Europe  or  Vander- 
bilt  and  Rockefeller  in  America.  To  this  end  are 
all  his  strivings.  Every  morning  at  eleven  he  appears 
punctually  at  the  office,  and  even  in  the  night  he 
allows  himself  no  rest,  studying  till  after  two  o'clock 
the  latest  publications  in  the  field  of  literature  and 
science,  so  far  as  they  can  be  of  value  to  him.  He 
was  educated  in  French  and  German  universities  and 
polished  in  the  highest  degree  in  a  business  way  by 
his  father  and  Dr.  Englander. 

At  the  suggestion  of  Dr.  Englander  there  was 
founded  in  1892  the  "Department  for  International 
Publicity,"  through  which  the  Reuter  Bureau  offered 


98  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

its  services  to  all  who  desired  "publicity"  and  were 
able  to  pay  for  it.  This  was  only  one  of  the  innu 
merable  undertakings  by  which  the  son  tried  to  equal 
his  father,  if  not  to  excel  him. 

At  this  time  Herbert  Reuter  asked  me  for  an  inter 
view  and,  over  a  cup  of  coffee  and  a  Havana  cigar, 
made  me  the  offer  of  the  direction  of  the  Agency  in 
Berlin  for  the  Company.  He  was  in  very  good  spirits 
and  let  himself  out,  as  was  often  the  case  with  him. 
"Do  you  know,"  he  said,  at  the  end  of  our  interview, 
"that  I  appear  to  myself  to  be  the  new  Moses?" 

"No,  that  I  have  not  known,  Herr  Baron;  and  I 
frankly  confess  that  I  do  not  understand  what  you 
mean  by  this  comparison." 

"I  will  tell  you,"  he  answered.  "Moses,  in  the 
Old  Testament,  saw  the  promised  land,  as  you  per 
haps  remember  from  your  Bible;  but  the  promised 
land  in  the  distance  and  did  not  reach  it;  but  I, 
as  the  new  Moses,  wish  to  enter  the  promised  land 
and  will  get  there." 

"Be  assured  of  my  best  wishes,"  was  my  reply, 
"for  its  accomplishment." 

"And  now,  Herr  Witte,  allow  me  to  congratulate 
you  on  your  appointment  as  our  Berlin  Director.  You 
have  lately  married,  and  this  shall  be  the  Company's 
wedding  present." 

"Your  goodness  overwhelms  me,  Herr  Baron,"  I 
replied,  "but  I  am  perfectly  content  with  my  present 
position  and  have  no  desire  to  give  it  up  and  go  to 
Berlin.  I  should  indeed  prefer  to  remain  here." 

Herbert  de  Renter's  eyes  flickered  uneasily.  "But 
it  is  our — my  wish  that  you  go  to  Berlin  and  take 
charge  of  our  interests  there." 

"Will  you  give  me  your  word,  Herr  Baron,  that  I 
will  not  regret  it  if  I  accept  your  offer?" 


FOUNDATION  OF  THE  REUTER  BUREAU      99 

"I  give  you  my  word/'  was  his  reply,  "that  you  will 
have  nothing  to  regret  if  you  accept  our  offer." 

"I  will  accept." 

In  Berlin  I  met  for  the  first  time  Dr.  Englander. 
Up  to  that  time  I  had  known  him  only  by  hearsay. 
In  the  London  office  my  colleagues  told  me  that  Dr. 
Englander  had  been  sentenced  to  death  in  his  country 
for  high  treason  and  only  by  the  merest  chance  had 
escaped  making  an  unpleasant  acquaintance  with  the 
hangman. 

The  scene  of  our  first  meeting  will  always  remain 
in  my  memory.  Dr.  Englander  had  a  suite  of  rooms 
in  the  well-known  pension  Herzberg.  I  sent  in  my 
card  and  a  young  girl  showed  me  in.  As  I  opened  the 
door,  a  peculiar  spectacle  met  my  eyes.  A  man  serv 
ant  and  a  young  woman  were  engaged  in  lifting  and 
lowering  one  of  the  old  man's  legs.  The  young  woman, 
attired  in  a  most  bewitching  negligee,  was  strikingly 
beautiful,  and  hung  over  him  in  a  most  affectionate 
manner.  The  old  man,  who  was  none  other  than  Dr. 
Englander,  asked  me  to  be  seated  a  moment  till  the 
operation  was  over.  This  lasted  a  few  moments 
longer,  then  the  servant  took  an  order  to  get  a  carriage 
for  a  certain  time.  The  young  woman  disappeared 
into  a  neighbouring  bedroom,  and  I  found  myself  alone 
with  the  intellectual  "  founder  and  general  representa 
tive"  of  Reuter's  Bureau.  Visibly  strengthened,  he 
rose  from  his  seat.  "I  am  glad  you  have  come,"  he 
said;  "I  have  just  received  an  important  order  for 
you  from  Herr  von  Reuter,  and  to  show  you  how  much 
you  have  our  confidence  you  may  read  the  letter  in 
the  original." 

With  these  words  he  held  out  the  letter  to  me,  which 
I  read  thoughtfully  and  with  interest.  He  was  de 
lighted,  so  wrote  Herr  von  Reuter,  to  impart  to  his 


ioo    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

dear  good  Dr.  Englander,  who  was  always  his  only 
true  friend  and  adviser,  that  he  had  been  able  to  pro 
cure  a  concession  for  a  million,  six  hundred  thousand 
acres  of  land  in  the  United  States  of  Colombia,  for 
settlement  purposes.  He  had  been  able  to  put  the  deal 
through  with  the  assistance  of  the  Colombian  envoy 
to  London,  who  had  received  for  his  share  a  very 
handsome  tip,  and  now  he  was  anxious  to  secure  Ger 
man  colonists  for  the  lands.  To  get  the  matter  started, 
Dr.  Englander  would  be  so  good  as  to  send  Herr 
Witte  to  the  Foreign  Office,  and  have  him  there  make 
the  announcement  that  he,  Baron  Herbert  von  Reuter, 
would  like  to  offer  to  the  German  Empire  a  protecto 
rate  over  Colombia  like  that  which  England  exercised 
over  India.  Though  he  was  now  an  English  citizen, 
Herr  von  Reuter  had  not  forgotten  his  German  origin 
and  he  would  like  to  show  his  love  for  the  land  of  his 
fathers  by  making  this  offer  first  and  exclusively  to 
the  German  Empire.  He  asked  at  the  present  no  re 
turn,  except  this — which  was  in  the  interest  of  the 
State — that  the  German  Empire  should  turn  the  tide 
of  emigration  which  was  flowing  into  the  U.  S.  A.  at 
least  partially  toward  Colombia,  where  a  new  Ger- 
mania  across  the  sea  would  appear  under  the  sover 
eignty  of  the  old  Empire. 

In  a  postscript,  Herr  von  Reuter  added  for  Dr. 
Englander's  information  that  originally  he  had  got 
the  concession  with  the  good  purpose  of  selling  it  to 
his  friend,  Baron  Hirsch,  who  at  that  time  had  in 
mind  a  great  project  for  colonising  the  persecuted 
Russian  Jews,  but  Baron  Hirsch  did  not  warm  up  to 
either  the  people  or  the  land  of  Colombia,  and  so  there 
was  nothing  left  to  do  but  look  around  for  German 
colonists. 

I  went  to  the  Foreign  Office  and  developed  there 


FOUNDATION  OF  THE  REUTER  BUREAU     ipi 

Baron  Reuter's  plan.  The  idea  was  received  with 
coolness,  however,  and  refused.  Not  much  faith  was 
placed  in  the  assurances  and  suddenly  awakened  friend 
ship  of  the  London  "Telegraph  King"  for  the  German 
Empire.  But  if  one  had  been  able  at  that  time  to 
look  into  the  future  and  see  that  the  United  States  of 
America  would  one  fine  day  make  itself  comfortably 
at  home  there,  the  answer  would  possibly  have  been 
different. 

What  Herr  von  Reuter  did  later  with  the  conces- 
cion,  whether  he  was  able  to  arouse  interest  in  his 
plan  with  this  or  that  European  power,  I  am  not  able 
to  say;  but  at  any  rate  the  possession  of  a  conces 
sion  of  a  million,  six  hundred  thousand  acres  of  land 
in  the  United  States  of  Colombia  is  in  the  hands  of 
Herr  von  Reuter,  or  whichever  power  he  has  trans 
ferred  it  to,  and  is  in  position,  under  certain  circum 
stances,  to  make  valuable  claims  which  are  not  consist 
ent  with  the  spirit  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  and  will 
thereby  be  the  germ  of  serious  developments  with  the 
United  States. 

At  the  same  time  with  the  letter  from  Baron  von 
Reuter  which  contained  the  news  about  the  concession, 
Dr.  Englander  handed  me  several  other  documents 
with  the  request  that  I  carefully  note  their  contents. 
I  would  thereby  be  able  to  judge  how  great  his  con 
fidence  in  me  was.  I  read,  and  my  eyes  became  larger. 
I  actually  asked  myself  whether  I  were  awake  or 
dreaming.  What  I  read  seemed  to  me  so  extraordinary, 
so  romantic,  almost  unbelievable,  and  yet  I  held  the 
proof  in  my  hands. 

At  that  time  England  had  just  extended  suffrage, 
by  which  an  Indian,  Porsen  Dadobhai  Naoroji,  from 
Bombay,  was  elected  in  the  London  suburb  of  Fens- 
bury.  A  hue  and  cry  was  raised  in  all  Great  Britain. 


102    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

The  Times  called  this  election  a  "romantic"  event, 
if  one  might  speak  of  a  matter  of  politics  as  romantic, 
and  the  majority  of  English,  as  well  as  foreign,  papers 
expressed  themselves  in  the  same  manner.  In  the  let 
ter  which  Dr.  Englander  handed  me,  I  unexpectedly 
discovered  the  answer. 

This  is  about  what  was  in  the  letter : 

"Dear  Dr.  Englander :  You  have  undoubtedly 
heard  of  the  election  of  the  Indian  Dadobhai  Naoroji 
in  Fensbury.  I  will  now  tell  you,  as  a  secret,  that  this 
election  is  my  work.  Herr  Naoroji  and  I  have  founded 
a  Mohammedan  agency  for  fructifying  politically  and 
financially  the  reform  movement  in  Islam,  which  has 
caused  headache  to  so  many  statesmen,  and  with  which 
the  strange  appearance  in  England  of  proselyting  to 
Mohammedanism  is  in  the  closest  relation. 

"The  final  aim  of  the  Mohammedan  Agency  has  in 
view: 

"i.  To  use  the  proselyting  in  England  and  the  re 
form  movement  in  India  in  order  to  awaken  anew 
throughout  the  entire  Mohammedan  world  the  belief 
that  Islam  is  called  once  more  to  conquer  the  world, 
and  that  the  faithful  of  the  prophet  are  chosen  to  be 
the  rulers  of  the  world. 

"2.  To  use  the  Moslemite  proselytism  in  England  as 
the  starting  point  of  a  new  Hedschra,  with  the  idea 
of  making  London  and  Liverpool,  for  all  believers  who 
make  the  great  pilgrimage  to  England,  a  visible  proof 
of  the  spreading  of  Islam  in  the  Occident,  and  par 
ticularly  in  the  home  country  of  the  'Emperor  of 
India/ 

"3.  To  sow  dissatisfaction  with  their  lot  among  the 
Mohammedan  inhabitants  of  Asia  Minor  and  to  arouse 
in  them  the  desire  of  a  union  with  their  brothers  in 
India." 


FOUNDATION  OF  THE  REUTER  BUREAU    103 

Thus,  in  general  terms,  is  the  programme  of  the 
"Mohammedan  Agency"  which  was  suddenly  unfolded 
before  my  eyes  in  the  letter  of  Herr  von  Reuter.  It 
had  naturally  not  been  the  intention  of  Dr.  Englander 
to  give  me  the  information  in  this  letter,  but  he  was 
an  old  man  and  sometimes  his  memory  was  at  fault. 
That  is  the  only  way  I  have  of  explaining  this  ap 
parent  show  of  trust,  which  placed  Herr  von  Reuter 
before  one  in  quite  a  new  light.  So  he  wished  not 
alone  to  become  a  new  Moses  but  also  a  new  Mahomet ! 
And  the  "Mohammedan  Agency"  worked  with  this 
goal  in  view.  That  in  the  meantime  it  has  experi 
enced  many  developments  and  expansions,  the  facts 
show.  It  also  accounts  for  the  outbreak  of  unrest 
among  the  Mohammedan  inhabitants  of  India,  as  well 
as  the  ferment  among  the  inhabitants  of  Egypt.  Dur 
ing  my  stay  in  Berlin  I  asked  Dr.  Englander  as  to  his 
political  beliefs.  "Speaking  personally,  I  am  an  anar 
chist,"  he  replied,  "and  as  such  it  gives  me  fiendish  V 
pleasure  to  lead  a  monarchical  government  by  the  nose, 
as  much  as  I  am  able;  and  besides,  to  make  it  pay 
well."  These  words  brought  to  my  mind  what  I  had 
been  told  concerning  him  in  Constantinople,  where  he 
was  still  well  remembered  from  his  former  activities 
as  chief  of  the  Reuter  Bureau. 

Dr.  Englander  remained  in  Berlin  four  weeks.  I 
then  accompanied  him  and  his  beautiful  "niece"  to 
the  station,  where,  at  the  last  moment,  she  confided 
to  me  under  seal  of  secrecy  that  in  a  short  time  she 
was  going  to  marry  "Granny,"  as  she  called  the  old 
man.  "Are  you  really  in  earnest  ?"  I  asked  her.  "Yes, 

he  is  already  so  old  and ."     About  two  months 

later  the  Times  had  the  announcement  of  their  mar 
riage. 

One  of  the  many  strange  undertakings  of  the  "Tele- 


104    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

graph  King"  is  shown  in  the  commission  which  I  re 
ceived  from  London  shortly  after  the  departure  of  Dr. 
Englander.  I  was  asked  to  negotiate  a  loan  on 
the  Berlin  exchange  of  sixteen  million  marks,  for  a 
Spanish  railroad  undertaking,  the  "North  of  Spain  & 
Valencia  Railway."  With  the  prospectus  which  had 
been  sent  me,  I  went  to  Dr.  Diedrich  Hahn,  then  sec 
retary  of  the  Deutschen  Bank,  whom  I  had  met  for 
mally,  and  asked  for  his  assistance.  He  read  the 
prospectus,  took  it  to  Dr.  Siemens,  the  first  director  of 
the  Deutschen  Bank,  but  returned  with  the  answer  that 
he  was  exceedingly  sorry  not  to  be  able  to  help  Mr. 
Reuter  in  this  matter.  I  then  sought  Director  Hol 
lander  of  the  Dresdner  Bank,  who  carefully  read  the 
prospectus,  shook  his  head,  and  made  this  noteworthy 
answer:  "Do  you  know,  if  this  were  signed  by  the 
good  God  himself,  who  is  truly  a  good  corporation, 
we  would  not  touch  the  business." 

The  affair  did  not  go  through.  If  it  had  there 
would  not  have  been  one  pfennig  for  the  stockholders. 
Through  my  intercession  there  came  about  an  agree 
ment  between  Isador  Loewe  and  Reuter,  by  which 
these  two  became  the  "general  representatives  of  the 
German  weapon  and  munition  factory"  for  the  coun 
tries  of  Persia,  Egypt  and  Colombia. 

As  a  consequence  of  my  exertions  there  was  a  fur 
ther  agreement  made  between  Halske,  Siemens  and 
Reuter,  by  which  the  agents  of  Reuter  were  enabled, 
as  representatives  of  Siemens  and  Halske,  to  make  the 
first  bid  on  contracts  for  electrical  machinery.  By 
the  special  wish  of  Herr  Reuter,  I  also  made  a  deal 
between  his  office  and  the  Deutschen  Bank  in  Berlin, 
which  latter  had  a  particular  interest  for  Reuter  in 
regard  to  quotations  of  the  stock  of  a  Johannesburg 
gold  mine  company  (Adolph  Gorz  &  Company).  "We 


FOUNDATION  OF  THE  REUTER  BUREAU    105 

will  inform  your  office  in  the  usual  way,"  Dr.  Steinthal 
said  to  me,  and  so  it  happened.  I  may  remark  here 
that  for  this  sort  of  work  I  never  received  a  penny. 
One  more  example  will  serve  to  open  the  eyes  of  the 
reader  to  the  shrewd  means  used  by  the  Reuter  Bureau 
to  gain  its  ends,  and  to  show  what  value  the  Reuter 
Telegrams  possess.  My  English  colleague,  Gordon 
Smith,  who  afterward  played  such  an  unenviable  role 
in  the  much-talked-of  libel  suit  of  the  New  York  Herald 
against  three  Berlin  dailies,  the  Post,  Neueste  Nach- 
richten  and  Deutsche  Tageszeitung,  appeared  one  day 
with  a  letter  for  me  from  Herr  Reuter  and  asked  my 
assistance  in  placing  certain  news  matter  contained 
in  the  letter  in  a  Berlin  paper,  and  then  to  telegraph 
it  back  to  London  as  the  original  news  of  this  paper. 
I  assured  him  in  very  definite  terms  that  I  should  for 
bid  any  more  offers  of  that  kind  being  made  to  me, 
whereupon  he  replied  that  in  that  case  he  would  send 
twenty  marks  to  a  well-known  London  correspondent 
of  the  Lokal  Anzeiger,  who  would  certainly  make 
the  announcement  in  his  paper.  After  two  days  there 
appeared  on  Friday,  the  2oth  of  January,  1893,  in  the 
evening  edition  of  the  Berlin  Lokal  Anzeiger,  the  fol 
lowing  telegram: 

"(From  our  foreign  correspondent.) 

"London,  Jan.  20. 

"I  have  learned  from  a  perfectly  reliable  source  that  the 
reason  of  the  hesitation  in  the  emission  of  the  Bulgarian 
loan  in  London,  which  was  to  have  taken  place  last  Decem 
ber,  is  that  certain  difficulties  have  arisen.  It  is  thought 
that  the  securities  are  not  sufficient  for  the  obligations." 

The  same  evening  Mr.  Gordon  Smith  telegraphed 
the  "Londoner-Special-Telegramm"  of  the  Berlin 
Lokal  Anzeiger,  to  the  Reuter  Bureau,  and  on  the  next 
day  the  startling  news  was  to  be  read  in  all  the  great 


io6    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

papers  of  England  and  the  continent  of  the  doubtful 
condition  of  Bulgarian  finances. 

The  transparent  reason  for  this  manoeuvre  was  to 
force  the  Bulgarian  minister  of  finance  to  make  use 
of  the  accommodation  of  the  group  of  international 
"finance  barons"  closely  connected  with  Reuter,  and 
further,  to  give  the  Reuter  Bureau  charge  of  the  dis 
posal  of  the  notices  of  emission.  By  such  intrigue  as 
this  the  weal  or  woe  of  a  nation  often  hangs.  The 
stand  taken  in  this  case  by  the  Reuter  Bureau  was  even 
more  questionable  because  the  Bulgarian  government' 
had  tried  to  assure  the  good-will  of  Reuter  by  the  con 
cession  of  extraordinary  privileges,  such  as  the  free 
use  of  the  Bulgarian  state  telegraph  line  within  the 
boundary  of  the  principality,  the  payment  of  tele 
graph  costs  to  London,  naming  of  the  Reuter  agent 
as  director  of  the  official  Agence  Balcanique,  prefer 
ence  in  the  despatching  of  all  Reuter  telegrams,  and 
giving  to  Reuter  the  entire  business  of  the  ministers 
and  public  institutions.  As  there  was  no  end  to  the 
questionable  commissions  which  Reuter  presented  to 
me,  I  wrote  him  a  letter  in  which  I  requested  him 
in  plain  German,  either  to  give  me  a  position  where 
no  swindling  was  required  or  to  accept  my  resignation. 
As  a  revenge,  Reuter  brought  suit  against  me,  which 
lasted  several  years  and  from  which  I  came  out  vic 
torious.  Dr.  Munchel,  the  lawyer  who  first  repre 
sented  Reuter,  withdrew  from  the  case. 

From  that  time  I  have  been  pursued  by  an  implac 
able  hatred  by  the  International  Telegraph  Bureau 
and  its  leaders,  who  in  order  to  satisfy  their  personal 
dislike  of  me  have  not  hesitated  to  set  at  naught  the 
highest  interests  of  the  German  Empire,  as  well  as 
those  of  the  United  States,  and  to  risk  them  in  the 
game. 


FOUNDATION  OF  THE  REUTER  BUREAU    107 

A  strange  light  is  thrown  on  the  relations  of  ex 
change  between  the  Reuter  Bureau  in  London  and 
Wolffs  Bureau  in  Berlin,  as  well  as  the  inner  organi 
sation  of  the  latter,  in  an  article  which  appeared  in 
Black  and  White,  written  by  a  former  Berlin  Times 
correspondent,  Charles  Lowe,  who  certainly  was  well 
informed.  This  notable  English  journalist  expresses 
himself  about  Wolff's  in  the  following  manner : 

'  'Wolff'  is  a  joint  stock  company  which  is  composed  of 
some  of  the  first  Jew  bankers  of  Berlin,  and,  naturally 
enough,  the  members  of  this  company  demand  for  them 
selves  the  first  right  to  examine  all  important  telegrams; 
a  right  whose  tremendous  significance  for  the  international 
politics  and  the  international  finance  of  the  two  worlds  is 
obvious. 

"Wolff's  Bureau  is  a  semi-official  institution,  the  recognised 
organ  of  the  Prussian  and  German  governments.  'Do  ut 
des/  or  'quid  pro  quo/  is  the  fundamental  principle  which 
rules  its  relation  to  the  two  governments  whose  henchman 
and  mouthpiece  it  is  at  the  same  time. 

"There  is  often  a  great  deal  said  in  very  disparaging 
language  in  Berlin  about  the  'Reptile  Press/  which,  as  a  mat 
ter  of  fact,  probably  exists  only  in  the  agencies  quoted.  Not 
that  'Wolff's'  receives  a  subsidy  from  the  government  reptile 
fund.  To  a  newspaper,  a  payment  in  news  is  worth  as  much 
or  more  than  a  payment  in  pure  gold.  Of  what,  then,  does 
this  payment  consist?  First  and  foremost  that  'Wolff's  Bu 
reau'  shall  have  the  priority  in  publishing  all  the  incoming 
and  outgoing  government  telegrams,  a  consideration  which 
is,  of  course,  of  the  highest  importance  for  a  telegraph 
bureau.  Further,  the  government  makes  use  of  'Wolff's' 
as  its  mouthpiece  when  it  wishes  to  publish  a  denial,  to 
influence  public  opinion,  or  to  publish  news  in  a  particular 
form  for  the  world — especially  for  the  world  outside  of 
Germany — which  is  very  easily  accomplished  through 
'Wolff's/ 

"Louis  Schneider,  an  under  officer,  and  later  court  coun 
cillor,  who  was  reader  to  Emperor  William  I,  rendered  a 
striking  service  at  the  founding  of  'Wolff's'  bureau  by  con 
vincing  the  king  of  the  national  necessity  of  a  semi-official 
despatch  bureau,  so  that  he  used  his  whole  influence  to  accom 
plish  the  design;  yes,  even  went  so  far  as  to  write,  on 
March  4,  1865,  tne  following  to  Dr.  Wolff: 


io8    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

'  'Your  plan  which  has  been  laid  before  me  of  the  exten 
sion  of  the  telegraph  office  into  a  joint-stock  company,  as  an 
English  company  is  about  to  do,  has  my  entire  approval,  and 
it  would  please  me  much  if  certain  approved  patriotic  finan 
ciers,  such  as  Herr  von  Oppenfeld,  von  Magnus,  Bleichroe- 
der,  were  to  join  you  in  this  affair.  It  appears  to  me  very 
essential  and  necessary  that  in  Prussia  such  an  institution 
should  be  created,  to  be  able  to  offer  opposition  to  England. 

"( Signed)         WILHELM.'  " 

Thanks  to  this  expression  from  an  almighty  source, 
the  "patriotic  financiers"  did  not  delay  longer  to  hand 
out  to  Dr.  Wolff  the  two  million  dollars  necessary  for 
his  project.  With  this  he  founded  a  limited  liability 
company,  which  in  1871  was  transformed  into  an 
out-and-out  stock  company.  That  the  "patriotic  finan 
ciers"  got  the  worth  of  their  money  in  this  deal  ap 
pears  from  the  foregoing  observations  of  Herr  Lowe. 
The  amalgamation  of  the  "twin  worlds  of  interna 
tional  politics  and  international  finance,"  as  the  former 
Times  correspondent  calls  it,  is  to-day  not  limited  to 
London  and  Berlin,  but  spreads  much  further.  Simi 
lar  agreements  to  those  between  Wolff  and  Reuter 
exist  also  between  these  and  the  official  and  semi 
official  telegraph  bureaus  of  other  European  countries, 
as  the  Agence  Havas  in  Paris,  the  Imperial  Royal  Tele 
graph  Correspondence  Bureau  in  Vienna,  the  Northern 
Telegraph  Bureau  in  St.  Petersburg,  the  Agenzia  Ste- 
fani  in  Rome,  the  Agence  Roumaine  in  Bucharest,  the 
Agence  de  Constantinople  in  the  Turkish  capital,  the 
Agence  Balcanique  in  Sofia,  etc.  Through  agreements, 
in  which  are  provided  heavy  penalties,  each  of  the 
above  bureaus  is  bound  to  make  accessible  to  the  press, 
in  unaltered  form,  the  despatches  sent  to  it  by  the 
agents  of  any  bureau  belonging  to  the  ring. 

Doubtless  the  patriotism  of  those  men,  who  are 
dubbed  "the  golden  internationals,"  is  a  capital  invest- 


FOUNDATION  OF  THE  REUTER  BUREAU     109 

ment  which  bears  good  interest.  The  principal  stock 
holders  of  the  "national"  Wolff's  Bureau  are  the  bank 
ing  houses  of  S.  Bleichroeder,  whose  head,  Dr.  Paul 
von  Schwabach,  Jr.,  is  the  English  General  Consul, 
and  Herbert  von  Reuter,  chief  of  the  English  Tele 
graph  Bureau,  whose  anti-Germanism  is  a  fact  beyond 
any  doubt.  Other  stockholders  are  the  banking  houses 
of  Mendelsohn,  Warschauer,  etc.  The  general  direc 
tor  is  the  Austrian,  Dr.  Mantler,  Jr.,  and  until  a  few 
years  ago  the  chief  editor  was  Dr.  O.  Runge,  a  Ger 
man-Russian.  A  most  singular  picture  this,  that  the 
"national"  German  Telegraph  Bureau  presents  in  the 
assembly  of  its  stockholders  and  its  responsible  leaders, 
and  a  most  joyful  outlook  for  the  future!  From  the 
foregoing,  as  well  as  the  following  observations,  I 
draw  the  conclusion  as  to  the  danger  to  state  and 
people  in  the  activities  of  the  "golden  internationals," 
which  imperil  the  foundations  of  the  state  far  more 
than  all  the  anarchistic  propaganda  of  the  land.  The 
men  who  are  interested  in  the  Telegraph  Bureaus 
know  no  fatherland;  they  think  and  feel  internation 
ally,  their  family  connections  are  scattered  over  the 
whole  world,  in  Berlin  and  Paris,  in  Rome  as  well  as 
St.  Petersburg  and  Vienna,  in  London  as  well  as  New 
York.  War  and  danger  of  war  constitute  for  these 
men  the  most  favourable  opportunity  to  fish  in  troubled 
waters,  and  it  would  be  insane  to  expect  of  them  that 
they  would  allow  to  go  by  unimproved  any  of  the 
"golden"  opportunities  which  offer. 

In  lawsuits  it  has  been  shown  repeatedly  that  the 
Wolff  Bureau  holds  back  in  the  interests  of  its  stock 
holders  important  news  of  political  or  financial  weight, 
so  that  the  "patriotic  financiers"  may  be  in  a  position 
to  make  profitable  deals  on  the  international  stock 
exchanges  on  the  tips  they  thus  receive;  it  was  estab- 


no  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

lished  further  that  the  Foreign  Office  gives  to  the  Wolff 
Bureau  the  throne  speech  of  the  Kaiser  at  the  opening 
or  the  closing  of  the  Reichstag  several  hours  before 
the  publication,  so  that  this  most  important  document 
may  be  used  by  its  favoured  stockholders  without  los 
ing  a  moment.  Reichstag,  press  and  public  receive 
knowledge  of  it  only  several  hours  later. 

In  spite  of  what  I  have  cited  already,  it  may  still 
cause  some  astonishment  that  this  "national"  Tele 
graph  Bureau  does  not  blush  to  receive  private  sub 
scriptions  for  the  prompt  telegraphic  advice  of  the 
death  of  the  present  Kaiser,  Wilhelm  II.  As  Karl 
Wedekind,  Dr.  Mantler's  predecessor  as  general  direc 
tor  of  the  company,  told  me  years  ago,  the  number  of 
these  subscribers  even  then  amounted  to  5,000! 

The  Imperial  Chancellor  and  the  Foreign  Office, 
who  otherwise  are  slow  in  taking  a  joke,  and  on  oc 
casions  where  it  is  often  uncalled  for  are  infinitely 
touchy,  appear  hard  of  hearing  and  dense,  as  soon  as 
the  "national"  Wolff  Telegraph  Bureau  and  its  dark 
machinations  come  into  question.  The  responsible 
leaders  of  German  politics  would  do  well  to  follow 
the  example  of  the  Austro-Hungarian  government, 
which  did  not  hesitate  to  break  off  existing  relations 
with  the  Wolff  Bureau  for  the  receipt  of  Russian  tele 
grams  and  to  open  a  wire  of  its  own  for  Russian  news, 
when  I,  years  ago,  pointed  out  in  the  Vienna  Deutsche 
Zeitung  on  the  occasion  of  two  flagrant  examples  the 
dangerous  character  of  the  Wolff  Bureau. 

(The  author  proceeds  to  describe  in  great  detail 
two  despatches  covering  international  news  from  St. 
Petersburg  which  were  distorted  by  the  Wolff  Bureau, 
he  claims,  for  stock-market  purposes.) 

It  seems  almost  incredible  but  it  is  a  fact,  a  fact  in 
spite  of  Heaven  and  its  angels,  that  the  Wolff  Bureau 


FOUNDATION  OF  THE  REUTER  BUREAU  in 

still  retains  the  confidence  of  the  German  government. 
Even  from  Berlin  Board  of  Trade  circles  there  arose 
a  cry  for  reform  of  this  inconceivable  blundering  and 
misuse  of  publicity,  and  a  demand  for  a  government 
supervision  of  the  Wolff  Bureau.  The  Kleine  Journal, 
which  is  in  close  relations  with  Berlin  finance  and  is 
conducted  by  Dr.  Leo  Leipziger,  stated  in  its  issue 
of  February  5th,  1900: 

"The  conspiracy  instigated  against  the  Wolff  Telegraph 
Bureau,  which  was  settled  last  Saturday,  has  uncovered  a 
mass  of  evidence  of  wrongdoing  which  it  is  absolutely  neces 
sary  to  correct  or  stop.  A  witness  on  the  stand  described  a 
condition  of  affairs,  and  in  the  clearest  manner,  too,  that 
arouses  the  gravest  doubts.  A  prominent  banker  in  this  city, 
owner  of  a  part  of  the  stock  of  the  company  under  investiga 
tion,  and  chairman  of  its  board  of  directors,  as  admitted  by 
Dr.  Mantler  himself,  has  taken  cognisance  of  despatches 
before  they  were  given  to  the  public.  It  is  obvious  that  in 
the  future  such  things  should  be  made  impossible.  Once  and 
for  all,  Wolff's  Bureau  should  be  removed  from  the  control 
or  influence  of  private  personages.  It  is  necessary  in  this 
case  because  we  are  dealing  with  an  official  institution  to 
which  are  confided  for  publication  and  dissemination  com 
munications  of  the  highest  authorities,  state  and  official,  and 
all  of  the  greatest  importance.  It  is  imperative  that  these 
communications,  before  official  publication,  should  be  treated 
as  state  secrets,  so  to  speak.  This  is  the  method  employed 
in  Austria,  and  no  complaints  of  this  kind  have  ever  been 
made  of  the  Vienna  Correspondence  Bureau,  simply  because 
the  Austrian  Telegraphic  Bureau  is  a  state  institution.  It 
is  high  time  that  we  also  started  a  government  supervision 
of  this  kind,  the  necessity  for  such  a  step  being  amply  shown 
by  the  evidence  in  the  case  at  hand.  The  State  Telegraphic 
Office  would  perhaps  fall  under  the  control  of  the  State  Sec 
retary  of  the  Imperial  Post  Office,  and  it  is  highly  probable 
that  under  the  management  of  Herr  von  Podbielski  the  new 
organisation  would  be  put  in  the  best  possible  shape  for 
efficient  work.  Then  we  would  have  state  officials  as  func 
tionaries  in  the  Bureau,  and  with  that  guarantee  that  all 
irregularities  and  preferences  of  any  sort  would  be  excluded 
from  the  list  of  possibilities. 

"This,  we  think,  would  be  the  best  means  of  quieting  the 
unrest  and  removing  the  fears  which  this  suit  has  caused. 


H2  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

"Are  men  to  be  found  in  the  German  Reichstag  who  have 
the  courage  to  discuss  the  crookednesses  exposed  in  the  Wolff 
Telegraphic  Bureau  and  to  recommend  that  the  state  assume 
control  of  the  whole  Bureau? 

"Equally  corrupt  and  unreliable  as  Reuter  and  Wolff  is 
the  great  American  press  bureau,  the  Associated  Press.  It 
commenced  its  activities  about  the  time  of  the  American 
civil  war,  when  a  number  of  American  publishers  banded 
themselves  together  and  organised  a  mutual  telegraphic  serv 
ice  by  which  they  not  only  got  more  rapid  news  but  a  de 
creased  cost  for  the  information.  The  business  of  the  Asso 
ciated  Press  since  then  has  grown  from  year  to  year,  but  it 
is  only  since  the  Spanish-American  war  that  the  company 
has  been  known  to  the  general  European  public.  With  the 
entrance  of  the  United  States  into  the  field  of  active  world 
politics  the  interest  of  the  American  reader  was  aroused  in 
foreign  matters,  and  the  Associated  Press  was  forced  to 
consider  it.  Formerly,  Mr.  Walter  Neef  represented  the 
company  alone  in  London,  subletting  office  or  desk  room  in 
the  Reuter  offices.  Now  there  are  representatives — perma 
nent  ones,  too — in  Berlin,  Vienna,  Paris,  and  St.  Petersburg. 
The  company  is  combined  in  the  most  intimate  manner  pos 
sible  with  Reuter  and  Wolff,  and  together  the  three  form  a 
triple  alliance  whose  business  is  politics,  whose  politics  is 
business,  and  whose  conscienceless,  ruthless  directors  shrink 
from  nothing  to  obtain  their  ends."  * 

What  the  independent  American  press  thinks  of  the 
Associated  Press  is  clearly  shown  in  the  following 
article  published  by  the  New  York  American,  which, 
by  the  way,  is  given  to  calling  a  spade  a  spade : 

"In  the  last  few  years  it  appears  as  if  the  management 
of  the  Associated  Press  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  men 

*  This  is  a  characteristic  continental  view  of  the  Associated 
Press,  which  is  known  to  the  American  public  as  a  news 
gathering  and  distributing  corporation  composed  of  repre 
sentatives  of  all  the  leading  newspapers  in  the  Republic. 
Its  business  is  to  furnish  reliable,  impartial,  and  non-partisan 
news  to  its  subscribers.  Its  directorate  includes  publishers 
of  every  shade  of  political,  social,  and  religious  belief.  In 
what  follows  Hcrr  Witte  has  accepted  as  gospel  the  bitter 
philippics  of  rival  press  humans  which  have  been  fighting  the 
Associated  Press  for  a  generation. — S.  T. 


FOUNDATION  OF  THE  REUTER  BUREAU     113 

who  utilise  it  for  purposes  for  which  it  was  never  intended. 
It  has  grown  into  a  political  machine,  and,  worse  than  that, 
a  political  machine  for  the  suppression  of  truth  and  the 
spreading  of  false  news.  The  newspapers  who  are  members 
of  the  Associated  Press  and  pay  their  dues  to  the  association 
are.  entitled  to  demand  that  the  business  control  be  taken  from 
this  small  coterie  of  men  who  are  misusing  the  organisation 
and  employing  it  as  a  means  of  wrongdoing. 

"For  members  residing  at  a  distance  it  is  very  difficult  to 
attend  the  general  meetings,  and  the  election  of  officials  must, 
therefore,  take  place  by  proxies.  Through  this  it  has  been, 
possible  for  a  small  inner  ring  for  years  to  control  the 
Associated  Press  and  utilise  the  columns  of  the  American 
press  to  further  their  own  schemes,  handle  stock  operations, 
and  maintain  their  own  friends  in  office.  As  members  of  the 
Associated  Press,  we  are  entitled  to  demand  an  honourable, 
true,  and  unpartisan  reporting  of  events,  and  therefore  pro 
test,  and  shall  continue  to  protest,  at  the  falsification  of  the 
Associated  Press  until  all  source  of  complaint  has  been 
removed." 

Even  more  drastic  than  the  New  York  American 
was  the  expression  of  the  New  York  Sim,  whose  pub 
lisher  owns  the  Laffan  Telegraph  Bureau. 

"Cheats  Press  and  Public." 
etc.,  etc. 

As  on  account  of  lack  of  space  I  cannot  reproduce 
the  article  in  full,  I  herewith  give  a  few  of  the  charac 
teristic  remarks  it  contains,  stating  on  the  side  that 
the  Associated  Press  has  not  felt  called  upon  to  insti 
tute  any  libel  proceedings. 

"It  is  particularly  interesting  just  at  present  to  call 
public  attention  to  the  gang  of  thieves,  news  perver- 
ters  and  swindlers  who,  operating  under  the  awe- 
inspiring  title  of  the  Associated  Press,  have  practi 
cally  grabbed  the  entire  press  of  the  country  by  the 
throat.  The  expressions,  'thieves/  'news  perverters/ 
'forgers,'  are  wittingly  used  by  us.  The  thieves,  news 
perverters  and  swindlers  openly  scoff  at  the  courts  of 


ii4    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

the  country;  declare  themselves  subject  to  no  laws,  in 
dependent  of  any  authority.  During  the  peace  con 
gress  in  Paris,  when  the  whole  country  was  nervous 
and  anxious  about  the  outcome  of  the  negotiations, 
the  Associated  Press  published  a  lie,  that  the  Spanish 
Commission  had  broken  off  the  negotiations  and  re 
tired.  If  this  was  the  case,  there  could  be  only  one 
result — the  resumption  of  hostilities.  This  lie,  like 
many  others,  was  sent  out  by  the  Associated  Press, 
north,  south,  east  and  west.  It  reached  here  late  in 
the  afternoon,  just  before  closing  time  on  the  stock 
exchange  and  too  late  to  publish  an  official  denial. 
On  the  day  of  the  last  presidential  election,  when  it 
had  been  definitely  settled  that  the  friends  of  sound 
money  and  prosperity  had  obtained  control  of  Con 
gress  and  would  continue  the  present  policies  of  the 
administration,  the  Associated  Press  sent  out  the  lie 
that  the  Bryan  supporters  had  won.  This  was  as 
dirty  a  lie  as  any  the  Associated  Press  ever  manufac 
tured.  The  Associated  Press  sent  the  lie  to  its  clients 
and  the  whole  country  was  perturbed  and  disquieted. 
The  price  of  various  stocks  dropped  from  one  to  three 
points,  but  not  all  of  them,  so  on  the  next  day  the 
lie  was  repeated.  It  was  pardonable  on  the  first  day, 
but  was  a  crime  on  the  second.  Some  more  stocks 
fell.  It  was  impossible  to  maintain  the  lie  more  than 
two  days,  but  had  the  Sun  not  published  the  truth  it 
would  have  been  possible  for  certain  stock  manipula 
tors  to  amass  an  enormous  fortune.  .  .  ." 

These  are  only  a  few  examples  out  of  many  cases. 
Consider  the  possibilities.  In  the  hands  of  conscience 
less  men  every  newspaper  in  the  land  can  be  used  as  a 
tool  by  these  rascals  and  any  one  ruined  by  a  single 
word.  The  quotations  on  the  stock  market  can  be 
raised  or  lowered  as  most  expedient  and  the  peace  of 


FOUNDATION  OF  THE  REUTER  BUREAU  115 

the  nation  endangered,  as  has  occurred  more  than 
once.  The  extent  of  this  power  is  almost  inconceivable 
and  to  it  the  free  press  surrenders  its  tools — the 
swindled  and  deceived  "free  press."  * 

If  the  power  of  the  Associated  Press  is  almost  in 
conceivable,  how  much  greater,  how  much  more  over 
whelming  must  be  the  power  of  the  three  telegraphic 
agencies,  Reuter,  Wolff  and  the  Associated  Press  com 
bined;  combined  and  united,  as  I  have  shown,  in  the 
most  narrow  and  indissoluble  bonds. 

The  Associated  Press  has  not  always  been  as 
friendly  to  Germany  as  it  now  appears  to  be.  At 
the  time  I  entered  the  service  of  the  German  Embassy, 
on  the  contrary,  it  was  distinctly  antagonistic  and  on 
more  than  one  important  occasion  declined  point-blank 
to  publish  the  communiques  sent  by  the  German  Am 
bassador.  I  remember  one  case  where  Herr  von  Biilow 
cabled  the  Ambassador  about  an  article  that  had  ap 
peared  in  the  Washington  Post  and  requested  to  have 
it  denied  in  the  said  paper  and  also  through  the  Asso 
ciated  Press.  The  representative  of  the  latter  in  Wash 
ington,  General  Boynton,  replied  to  me  in  a  short, 
almost  rude,  manner  that  he  could  not  accept  the  de 
nial,  and  I  was  much  pleased  when  after  much  beg 
ging  I  induced  the  night  editor  of  the  Post  to  accept 
and  publish  it  in  the  columns  of  his  paper.  Herr  von 
Holleben  was  much  relieved  when  he  was  able  to  tele- 

*  Herr  Witte  then  proceeds  to  couple  the  Associated  Press 
with  the  Reuter  and  Wolff  Bureaus.  But  his  views  and 
comments  are  distorted  because  he  has  accepted  his  facts 
from  hostile  newspapers  which  have  been  denied  membership 
in  this  great  news-gathering  and  distributing  agency.  Our 
author  fails  to  recognise  the  co-operative  nature  of  the  serv 
ices  performed  by  the  Associated  Press  for  newspapers  of 
every  shade  of  politics  and  principles  in  the  United  States. — 
S.  T. 


n6  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

graph  Berlin  that  the  orders  of  his  superior  had  been 
obeyed.  The  incident  had  an  amusing  sequel,  for  the 
next  morning  neither  the  Ambassador,  his  secretaries 
nor  his  attaches  could  find  that  denial  in  the  Post. 
Immediately  a  messenger  was  despatched  to  my  resi 
dence  and  I  was  cited  to  appear  before  his  excellency, 
who,  with  wrinkled  brow,  was  still  hunting  for  the 
Biilow  denial. 

"See  here,"  he  said,  "I  have  telegraphed  Berlin  that 
the  denial  has  appeared  in  this  rag,  and  now  although 
I  have  hunted  for  over  an  hour  I  cannot  find  it.  What 
am  I  to  think  of  this,  and  of  you?"  And  he  gruffly 
pushed  the  paper  over  to  me. 

Not  without  some  secret  merriment,  I  placed  a  finger 
on  a  line  in  the  most  inconspicuous  part  of  the  journal, 
where  the  malicious  editor  had  purposely  stuck  the 
notice,  at  a  place  where  no  one  would  possibly  look 
for  a  communication  from  the  German  Embassy. 

"Here  is  the  denial,"  said  I. 

The  Ambassador  stared  at  me  in  an  amazed  manner, 
wiped  his  eyeglasses,  stuck  them  on  his  nose,  assured 
himself  of  the  truth  of  my  statement,  and  then  said : 

"I  wish  the  devil  would  fly  away  with  these  Ameri 
can  editors!" 

Particular  annoyance  was  caused  at  this  period  by 
the  Berlin  cables  of  the  Associated  Press,  whose  rep 
resentative  there  was  Herr  Wolf  von  Schierbrand  * 

In  May  of  the  same  year  the  publishers  of  the  most 
important  German  newspapers  in  the  United  States 
got  together  in  Chicago  to  protest  against  the  Germano- 

*  An  agent  of  the  Associated  Press  in  Berlin  at  outs  with 
the  authorities  would  be  of  no  possible  value  as  a  news  gath 
erer.  He  must  be  persona  grata,  or  make  way  for  an  agent 
who  is.  It  is  a  journalistic  law.  I  knew  Wolff  von  Schier 
brand,  and  the  story  of  his  sticking  to  his  view  of  his  duty 
"fits  him  like  a  glove." — S.  T. 


FOUNDATION  OF  THE  REUTER  BUREAU  117 

phobia  of  the  Associated  Press.  Forty-six  newspapers 
were  represented  and  the  conference  ended  with  the 
formation  of  a  union  of  German-American  publishers 
to  protect  their  mutual  interests. 

How  the  Associated  Press  executed  a  change  of 
front  and  from  an  enemy  became  a  friend  of  German 
policy,  how  Herr  von  Schierbrand  in  Berlin  was  or 
dered  to  leave  the  country  to  make  room  for  a  corre 
spondent  whose  reports  would  not  wound  the  feel 
ings  of  the  Wilhelmstrasse,  I  propose  to  recite  in  the 
next  chapter.  I  will  now  describe  my  experiences  after 
my  separation  from  the  German  Embassy. 


CHAPTER    XIV 

THE  BIGGEST   BRUTE A   WHITE   CROW 

Return  to  Vienna. — The  "biggest  German  brute  in  America" 
visits  me  on  the  steamer. — "Nothing  less  than  the  Order 
of  the  Black  Eagle  goes  with  him." — I  meet  the  American 
Ambassador  in  Vienna,  and  Herr  von  Schierbrand,  Dr. 
Hammann,  privy  legation  councillor,  and  Dr.  Heinrich  Man- 
tier  in  Berlin. — My  appointment  as  representative  of  the 
Associated  Press  is  prevented  by  Reuter. — A  letter  of  rec 
ommendation  from  A.  von  Mumm. — My  reception  at  the 
hands  of  Prince  Eulenberg. — Attacks  of  the  Austrian  Pan- 
Germans  cause  vexation  in  Berlin. — "Wolff  machinations." 
— A  remark  by  Dr.  Franz  Schneider  about  officious  jour 
nalism. — Interchange  of  letters  with  Herr  von  Holleben. — 
Across  the  ocean  again ! — The  German  consul  general  as 
mediator. — I  send  an  explanation  to  Berlin. 

I  SAILED  with  my  family  in  the  middle  of  February, 
1900,  from  Baltimore,  on  the  North  German  Lloyd 
steamer  Dresden  for  Bremen.  The  evening  before 
my  departure  I  had  a  visit  from  my  good,  dear  old 
friend  Edward  Leygh,  then  editor-in-chief  of  the 
Deutschen  Korrespondenten,  who  brought  to  me 
aboard  the  ship  the  latest  number,  just  published,  of  the 
Chicago  Freie  Presse,  in  which  was  a  leading  article 
entitled,  "The  Deeds  of  Messrs.  Holleben  and  Bunz," 
in  which  the  long  list  of  the  sins  of  these  two  diplo 
mats  was  summed  up.  I  read  the  article,  shrugged 
my  shoulders,  and  handed  it  back  with  the  words  that 
I  could  tell  quite  different  tales  of  these  gentlemen, 
if  I  wished.  Then  I  took  from  my  breast  pocket  the 
letter  of  introduction  to  Prince  Eulenburg,  showed  it 

nS 


THE  BIGGEST  BRUTE— A  WHITE  CROW     119 

to  Mr.  Leygh,  and  at  the  same  time  told  him  of  Herr 
von  Sternburg's  warning.  I  shall  never  forget  the 
storm  which  now  broke  from  the  mouth  of  my  visi 
tor.  Edward  Leygh  was  a  good  honest  fellow,  known 
all  over  the  United  States  as  the  "biggest  German 
brute"  in  the  country,  and  proud  of  the  title.  "If 
you  wish,  Brother  Witte,  I'll  let  loose  at  those  two 

and  I  guarantee  that  in  four  weeks  they  will  no 

longer  be  in  America. " 

Frightened,  I  took  him  by  the  hand.  "You  must  not 
do  that,  Brother  Leygh,"  I  implored  him,  "because  I 
should  be  held  responsible  for  it,  and  the  results  would 
be  frightful  for  me,  as  I  know  my  good  friends  well." 

I  walked  a  long  time  with  him,  up  and  down,  before 
I  got  his  promise  to  do  nothing  against  the  two  Ger 
man  diplomats.  I  may  here  remark  that  when  Herr 
von  Eisendecker  was  an  envoy  to  Washington  and  got 
into  difficulties  with  the  administration,  Edward  Leygh 
rendered  the  German  government  such  a  service  that 
later  an  order  was  conferred  on  him.  "I  will  accept 
no  order  lower  than  the  Order  of  the  Black  Eagle," 
was  the  answer  of  the  staunch  republican,  and  the  af 
fair  of  the  decoration  was  disposed  of,  at  least  so  far 
as  Edward  Leygh  was  concerned. 

"The  most  uncouth  German  in  the  United  States," 
a  man  of  gold  with  the  heart  of  a  child,  died  in  the 
year  1901.  His  death  was  a  great  loss  for  all  of 
Germany  in  America,  as  well  as  for  the  German-Amer 
ican  press,  in  which  such  an  independent,  honest,  cul 
tivated  man,  always  true  to  his  convictions,  was  like 
a  white  crow. 

On  my  arrival  in  Vienna  I  visited  my  old  friend, 
Charles  B.  Herdliska,  at  the  American  embassy,  who 
greeted  me  with  real  pleasure.  He  presented  me  to 
the  new  envoy,  Addison  C.  Harris  from  Indianapolis, 


120    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

with  the  remark  that  at  the  time  of  the  outbreak  of 
the  Spanish-American  war  I  was  the  only  friend  of 
the  United  States  in  all  of  Austria  and  Germany.  Mr. 
Harris  then  shook  my  hand,  offered  me  a  cigarette, 
and  told  me  that  the  Associated  Press  had  asked  him, 
through  their  Berlin  representative,  Herr  Wolf  von 
Schierbrand,  to  recommend  for  their  post  in  Vienna 
an  able,  energetic  journalist.  "I  believe  you  are  our 
man,"  he  remarked,  "and  I  will  gladly  give  you  a  letter 
of  introduction  to  Herr  von  Schierbrand,  whom  you 
had  better  see  yourself  in  Berlin,  and  conclude  the 
affair." 

I  took  the  very  warmly  expressed  letter  to  Berlin, 
where  I  sought  Herr  von  Schierbrand  in  his  home  in 
Lessing  Street.  It  was  an  interesting  and  instructive 
visit,  to  which  I  look  back  with  pleasure  to-day.  Herr 
von  Schierbrand  chatted  about  his  experiences  in  Ber 
lin  and  I  of  mine  in  Washington,  and  he  found  me  so 
well  informed  as  to  the  most  intimate,  secret  occur 
rences  of  German-American  politics  that  he  expressed 
his  astonishment,  as  he,  of  course,  had  no  idea  of  my 
former  position  with  the  German  Embassy. 

"There  is  no  doubt  but  that  you  are  the  right  man 
for  Berlin,  but  unfortunately  the  decision  for  the  nam 
ing  of  our  Vienna  correspondent  does  not  rest  with 
me,  but  with  Mr.  Walter  Neef,  our  London  represen 
tative,  and  I  will  send  the  Ambassador's  letter  to  him, 
at  the  same  time  as  a  hearty  recommendation  from 
myself.  You  will  receive  the  news  in  Vienna  in  the 
shortest  possible  time." 

After  finishing  the  business  part  of  my  visit,  we  had 
an  exchange  of  thoughts  and  opinions.  "You  can  have 
no  idea  of  the  difficulty  of  my  position,"  he  told  me, 
"at  the  time  of  the  outbreak  of  the  Spanish- American 
war.  The  attitude  of  the  German  press  is  too  well 


THE  BIGGEST  BRUTE— A  WHITE  CROW     121 

known  to  you  for  it  to  be  necessary  for  me  to  instruct 
you  as  to  that.  I  only  did  my  duty  as  reporter  for  the 
Associated  Press  in  telegraphing  the  unfriendly  news 
paper  articles  to  America,  from  whence  came  an 
equally  unfriendly  echo  from  their  newspapers.  The 
Foreign  Office  here  became  alarmed  and  tried  to  cause 
me  to  change  front.  I  was  first  appealed  to  by  the  fact 
of  my  being  a  German.  'As  a  German  nobleman  and 
former  officer,  you  could  not  possibly  lend  a  hand  on 
purpose  to  make  difficulties  for  our  policy!  Is  it 
necessary  to  inform  the  United  States  how  we,  gov 
ernment,  press  and  people,  think  about  the  war? 
Would  it  not  be  better  for  you  to  spare  your  com 
pany  the  great  despatch  costs  and  simply  pass  over 
in  silence  the  press  opinions?' 

"To  such  arguments  I  replied  that  I  should  neglect 
my  duty  to  the  United  States  if  I  were  to  colour,  dis 
guise  or  mutilate  my  reports,  and  that  under  no  cir 
cumstances  could  I  deviate  from  my  course.  As  I 
was  not  amenable  to  pleasant  methods,  they  sought  to 
force  me  by  threats  and  intimidation.  'We  will  have 
you  sent  out  of  the  country  as  a  troublesome  foreigner, 
if  you  continue  to  rouse  in  America,  by  your  reports, 
a  sentiment  against  Germany/  and,  in  fact,  I  have  to 
thank  Andrew  D.  White,  the  American  Ambassador, 
that  I  have  not  been  dismissed  long  ago." 

But  in  the  following  years  Herr  von  Schierbrand 
was  removed  from  Berlin,  as  I  will  here  relate.  He 
was  accused  of  having  written  in  the  New  York  Even 
ing  Post  an  insulting  article  about  the  Kaiser,  in  con 
sequence  of  which  it  would  be  impossible  to  further 
offer  him  the  hospitality  of  Prussia.  In  vain  Herr 
von  Schierbrand  denied  that  he  had  written  the  ar 
ticle;  his  fate  was  sealed,  and  he  was  obliged  to  leave 
the  scene  of  his  long  activities.  The  leaders  of  the 


122  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

Associated  Press  had  come  to  the  conclusion  that  it 
was  more  advantageous  for  the  service  of  the  company 
for  them  to  keep  on  good  terms  with  "Wilhelmstrasse," 
and  Herr  von  Schierbrand  fell,  an  offering  to  the 
newly  awakened  friendship  of  the  American  despatch 
bureau  for  the  German  Empire. 

From  a  high  official  of  the  Associated  Press,  Colonel 
Diehl,  whose  sympathies  were  with  von  Schierbrand, 
I  learned  later  that  he  entertained  the  same  opinion 
as  myself  as  to  the  reasons  for  the  dismissal  of  von 
Schierbrand.  To  the  general  director  of  the  com 
pany,  Melville  E.  Stone,  it  must  be  ungrudgingly  con 
ceded  that  henceforward  he  honestly  took  great  pains 
to  serve  the  Berlin  Foreign  Office  and  government. 

At  the  end  of  my  conversation  with  Herr  von  Schier 
brand,  which  lasted  till  the  small  hours  of  the  morning, 
I  told  him  that  it  was  my  intention  to  ask  for  an  inter 
view  at  the  Foreign  Office,  and  also  at  Wolff's  office, 
and  to  inquire  of  the  latter  how  it  was  that  they  had 
appropriated  my  plan  of  a  "German-American  Cor 
respondence." 

"You  have  courage,"  was  Herr  von  Schierbrand's 
significant  reply. 

The  next  day  I  carried  out  my  intention,  called  at 
the  Foreign  Office,  and  sent  my  card  to  Dr.  Ham- 
mann.  My  reception  was  hurried  and  the  remarks  of 
the  privy  legation  consul  went  no  further  than  the 
biblical  "Yes,  yes,"  and  "No,  no."  In  order  to  feel 
my  way,  I  remarked  that  Herr  von  Holleben  had  had 
the  kindness  to  give  me  a  letter  of  introduction  to 
Prince  Philip  Eulenburg  in  Vienna.  "I  shall  be  pleased 
to  know  that  he  has  been  of  use  to  you,"  was  his 
laconic  remark. 

I  now  saw  that  Baron  von  Sternburg  was  right  in 
his  warning.  The  poison  began  at  once  to  work. 


THE  BIGGEST  BRUTE— A  WHITE  CROW     123 

After  a  few  moments  I  took  my  leave  of  the  privy 
legation  consul,  who,  it  was  plain  to  see,  no  longer 
cared  to  remember  the  time  when  he  was  a  poorly 
paid  editor  of  the  anti-Semitic  Tagesnachtrichten,  and 
risked  myself  in  the  lion's  den.  I  found  everything  as 
I  had  left  it.  The  fat  porter  was  there,  who  nodded 
pleasantly  to  the  passers  in  and  out.  There  were  the 
Wolff's  messenger  boys,  who  carry  the  printed  des 
patches  to  the  papers,  and,  yes,  there  was  my  dear 
old  friend,  Director  F.  Banse,  who  in  former  years 
always  paid  me  the  Reuter  gold.  A  fine,  honest  man, 
who  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  crooked  ways  of  the 
company  and  faithfully  fulfilled  his  duty,  which  lay 
in  carrying  on  the  administrative  part  of  the  busi 
ness.  He  knew  me  at  once  though  we  had  not  seen 
each  other  for  years,  and  gave  me  his  hand,  though 
visibly  embarrassed. 

"In  what  can  I  serve  you,  Herr  Witte?" 

"I  should  like  to  ask  you  one  question,  and  ask 
you  for  a  frank  answer,  Director.  How  is  it  that 
Wolff's  Bureau  publishes  the  'German-American  cor 
respondence/  the  plan  for  which  I  formulated  and 
gave  up  my  position  in  Vienna  to  go  to  America  to 
carry  out?" 

The  director  avoided  my  eyes  and  rubbed  his  hands' 
in  embarrassment. 

"Yes,  we  knew  that  you  went  with  your  family  to 
America,  to  publish  there  a  correspondence  for  the 
German  papers,  and  we  know  further  that  you  were 
attached  to  the  German  Embassy  in  Washington ;  also 
that  you  are  no  longer  with  the  Embassy  and  that  you 
have  returned  from  Washington  to  Vienna.  Herr  von 
Holleben — but  no,  it  will  be  better  for  you  to  speak 
to  Dr.  Mantler,  whom  I  will  call  at  once/5 

After  a  few  moments,  during  which  time  there  was 


124    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

rather  a  heated  conversation  in  the  adjoining  room, 
the  all-powerful  director  general  of  Wolff's  Bureau 
appeared  in  person  and  stood  directly  in  front  of  me, 
staring  at  me  angrily. 

"You,  you  demand  to  know  how  it  comes  that  we 
publish  your  German-American  correspondence?  We 
are  in  no  way  answerable  to  you  for  our  actions,  and — 
and — we  will  soon  get  rid  of  you!" 

I  made  a  deep  and  ironical  bow.  "Au  revoir,  Mon 
sieur  le  docteur  Mantler,"  I  replied,  "nous  nous  re- 
verrons." 

Once  more  Herr  von  Sternburg's  warning  occurred 
to  me.  I  compared  the  reception  I  had  had  at  the 
Foreign  Office  and  at  Wolff's,  went  over  in  my  mind 
what  I  had  heard,  and  drew  a  curious  conclusion. 

After  returning  to  Vienna  I  next  awaited  the  result 
of  the  letter  written  by  Herr  von  Schierbrand.  On 
March  I4th  I  received  a  note  from  a  colleague  in 
which  he  congratulated  me  on  my  appointment  as 
Vienna  editor  of  the  Associated  Press  and  advised 
me  strongly  as  regarded  my  demands,  not  to  fall 
into  the  old  German  fault  of  being  too  modest.  "Don't 
be  a  cheap  man/'  were  his  last  words. 

Several  weeks  passed  without  my  receiving  from 
London  the  credentials  of  my  position.  Then  I  re 
ceived  a  second  letter  from  Herr  von  Schierbrand,  in 
which  he  regretted  to  have  to  tell  me  that  my  already 
confirmed  appointment  had  been  withdrawn  at  Reu- 
ter's  request.  "Reuter  would  consider  it  an  unfriendly 
action  on  our  part  if  we  were  to  name  you  for  the 
Vienna  post,  and  the  union  between  the  Associated 
Press  and  Renter's  is  so  close  that  we  are  not  able  to 
disregard  it." 

So  Wolff,  Reuter  and  the  Associated  Press  were 


THE  BIGGEST  BRUTE— A  WHITE  CROW     125 

against  me  and  again  Herr  von  Sternburg's  warning 
occurred  to  me. 

I  had  not  yet  made  use  of  Herr  von  HolleTDen's 
letter  of  introduction  to  Prince  Eulenburg.  I  had  be 
come  very  sceptical  of  there  being  any  use  in  doing 
so,  but  I  had  decided,  if  it  became  necessary,  to  drink 
the  bitter  cup  to  the  dregs.  I  therefore  wrote  Herr 
von  Mumm,  who  at  that  time  was  German  Ambas 
sador  to  Luxemburg,  and  who  before  his  departure 
from  Washington  had  especially  told  me  if  I  ever 
were  in  need  of  help  to  ask  it  of  him  frankly.  I  told 
him  in  my  letter  of  my  last  experiences  in  the  Ameri 
can  capital,  and  explained  the  difficult  position  in 
which  I  found  myself,  asking  him  for  advice.  He 
immediately  sent  me  a  letter  of  introduction  to  Prince 
Eulenburg,  which  I  give  below  as  an  example  of  the 
style  of  modern  German  diplomacy. 

"Luxemburg,  March  n,  1900. 
"Most  Serene  Prince: 

"Herr  Emil  Witte,  once  a  resident  journalist  in  Vienna, 
and  who  until  lately  has  been  corresponding  in  Washington 
for  German  and  Austrian  papers,  has  begged  me  for  an 
introduction  to  your  highness.  I  give  it  to  him  with  pleasure, 
as  during  his  stay  in  Washington  he  put  himself  at  the  dispo 
sition  of  the  Embassy  there,  and  by  making  inquiries,  etc., 
was  of  much  use.  Whether  and  what  special  qualifications 
Mr.  Witte  may  have,  I  do  not  know,  but  I  beg  your  excellency 
to  receive  him  graciously  should  he  present  himself.  Thank 
ing  you  in  advance,  I  have  the  honour  to  be 

"Your  highness'  most  obedient 

"A.  VON  MUMM/' 

A  remarkable  circumvention  of  the  facts  well 
known  to  Herr  von  Mumm,  and  more  remarkable  the 
mode  of  expression  of  the  letter!  I  can  vouch  for 
the  truth  in  saying  that  I  never  "made  inquiries" 
for  Herr  von  Mumm,  and  what  he  meant  by  "etc." 
is  a  riddle  to  me;  he  may  perhaps  have  meant  all 


126    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

the  articles  I  was  asked  to  write  about  him  and  fhe 
chancellor.  It  would  almost  seem  as  if  Herr  von 
Mumm  had  to  thank  his  talent  for  writing  unintel 
ligible  and  profound  diplomatic  notes  for  his  sudden 
career.  Armed  with  the  two  letters  from  Herr  von 
Holleben  and  Herr  von  Mumm,  I  now  had  an  inter 
view  at  the  German  Embassy.  A  servant  in  the  green 
livery  of  the  prince  took  me  at  once  to  the  friend  of 
the  Emperor  and  author  of  "Sanges  an  Aegir."  The 
great  man  received  me  graciously.  After  reading  the 
two  letters,  he  turned  to  me  with  the  words :  "You  are 
so  warmly  recommended  by  my  two  colleagues  that 
I  am  truly  pleased  to  make  your  acquaintance,  and 
shall  be  only  too  glad  to  do  anything  for  you  within 
my  power.  In  what  can  I  be  of  use  to  you?" 

"My  wishes  are  most  modest,  your  highness.  I  was 
permitted  in  Washington  to  use  my  pen  for  the  service 
of  the  Empire,  and  I  should  esteem  it  a  favour  to  be 
allowed  to  work  for  the  German  cause  also  here  in 
Vienna.  Before  the  Spanish-American  war  I  belonged 
to  the  editorial  staff  of  the  Deutschen  Zeitung  and 
think  I  could  enter  there  again,  and  would  like  now 
to  beg  of  your  highness  to  help  me  by  your  influence 
to  get  the  correspondence  for  several  German  king 
doms  and  also  to  allow  me  to  get  news  direct  at  the 
Embassy  itself." 

"Your  request  is  not  indiscreet,"  said  the  Ambas 
sador,  "and  I  will  see  what  I  can  do.  You  have  been 
so  urgently  recommended  by  my  colleagues  that  I 
should  not  hesitate  to  receive  you  at  the  Embassy  and 
to  do  as  our  other  good  friends  wish  in  imparting  to 
you  our  information.  Further,  I  am  going  shortly  to 
Berlin,  and  I  will  there  talk  to  Count  von  Biilow  about 
you." 

I  thanked  his  highness  deeply  for  his  kindness. 


THE  BIGGEST  BRUTE— A  WHITE  CROW     127 

"Stop,"  the  prince  interrupted  me  by  saying,  "some 
thing  has  just  occurred  to  me.  Count  von  Biilow  is 
just  at  this  time  being  sharply  attacked  by  the  radical- 
national  press  in  Austria,  and  in  Berlin  one  is  very 
sensitive  to  unfriendly  criticism.  Try  to  hush  all 
German  attacks  against  the  chancellor,  and  in  Berlin 
it  shall  be  known  where  the  praise  is  due." 

I  allowed  myself  to  call  his  highness'  attention  to 
the  fact  that  in  all  German  circles  of  Austria  his  atti 
tude  against  the  struggle  of  the  Germans  for  the  pres 
ervation  of  their  nationality  was  deeply  complained  of. 

"It  is  forbidden  to  me,  as  you  know,"  said  he,  "to 
mix  in  the  inner  affairs  of  the  monarchy,  but  never 
theless  you  may  tell  your  friends  from  me  that  I  am 
a  German  and  that  no  German  heart  ought  to  beat 
in  my  breast  if  I  do  not  take  the  deepest  interest  in 
the  struggles  of  the  Germans  in  Austria,  and  from 
my  heart  I  wish  them  the  fullest  success." 

"That  was  spoken  like  a  German  man,  your  high 
ness,"  I  replied,  "and  in  the  name  of  my  German 
friends  I  thank  you  for  this  explanation." 

His  highness  gave  me  his  hand  at  parting.  I  was 
about  to  leave  when  the  prince  detained  me.  "Try 
to  explain  and  vindicate  through  the  radical  German 
press  here  the  position  of  the  German  Empire  during 
the  Boer  war.  That  would  be  greatly  to  your  credit 
in  Berlin.  And  you  will  at  any  time  be  welcome  at 
the  Embassy." 

What  the  Ambassador  asked  of  me  was  no  small 
task.  It  was  stated  quite  openly  in  all  the  German 
papers  in  Vienna  that  the  two  small  Boer  republics  had 
only  gone  to  war  with  their  powerful  neighbour  in  con 
fidence  of  the  support  of  the  German  Emperor,  whose 
celebrated  telegram  to  President  Kruger  after  the 
Jameson  raid  was  not  yet  forgotten.  The  policy  of 


128    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

the  chancellor  could  not  and  would  not  be  under 
stood  which  left  their  hard-pushed  kin  (stammbenos- 
sen)  to  their  fate,  without  ever  batting  an  eyelash. 
And  I  was  to  whitewash  this  policy  for  the  benefit 
of  the  Pan-Germans!  I  frankly  admit  that  I  under 
took  this  task  without  any  particular  enthusiasm.  I 
appeared  to  myself  to  be  a  criminal  lawyer  who  has 
to  defend  a  bad  case  before  the  judge  and  whose  duty 
it  is  to  accept  the  commission  even  if  it  is  not  accord 
ing  to  his  taste.  I  wrote  an  article  in  which  I  tried 
to  excuse  the  German  government  on  account  of  state 
reasons.  I  proceeded  in  somewhat  this  fashion : 

The  German  Empire,  as  an  African  colonial  power 
with  far-reaching  and  weighty  interests  there,  has, 
unknown  to  the  great  majority,  plans  to  strengthen 
its  own  position  in  the  Dark  Continent.  A  mighty 
Boer  republic,  with  an  army  of  a  hundred  thousand 
sharp-shooters  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood  of  the 
German  colonies,  and  spreading  itself  over  South 
Africa,  is  not  in  accord  with  the  German- African 
policy,  which  should  give  further  consideration  to  the 
feasible  idea  of  weakening  her  two  principal  opponents 
in  Africa  in  the  fight  for  the  conquest  of  the  Dark 
Continent.  An  unhappy  outcome  in  this  war  for  the 
Boers  would  lead  them  to  seek  a  closer  bond  with  the 
German  colonies,  as  well  as  with  the  German  Empire, 
which  would  then  make  them  the  most  useful  friends 
and  allies  in  the  accomplishment  of  its  colonial  plans 
in  Africa.  The  views  which  I  set  forth  in  this  article 
expressed,  as  I  knew,  the  rule  of  conduct  of  the  re 
sponsible  statesmen  in  Berlin. 

I  sent  the  manuscript  to  the  publishing  house  of 
Karl  Herman  Wolf's  Ostdeutschen  Rundschau,  whose 
good  opinion  Prince  Eulenburg  and  Count  Biilow 
valued  so  much.  In  a  short  time  I  received  the  article 


THE  BIGGEST  BRUTE— A  WHITE  CROW    129 

back  with  a  polite  note  wherein  it  was  plainly  ex 
pressed  that  the  sympathies  of  the  Ostdeittschen  Rund 
schau  were  wholly  and  entirely  on  the  people  fight 
ing  for  their  national  existence,  and  that  no  state  rea 
sons  would  be  able  to  change  their  opinion  of  the  atti 
tude  of  Count  Biilow,  or  alter  it.  Even  though  my 
article  was  returned,  I  was  pleased  with  the  answer, 
and  did  not  hesitate  to  bring  it  to  the  knowledge  of 
Prince  Eulenburg  who  shortly  afterwards  went  to 
Berlin. 

In  the  meantime  my  former  position  on  the  Deut- 
schen  Zeitung  had  been  offered  to  me.  There  had  been 
a  heated  discussion  between  Dr.  Warmer  and  myself, 
who  had  never  quite  forgiven  me  for  having  given 
up  my  position  after  the  Spanish-American  war  in 
order,  as  he  said,  to  chase  a  phantom,  and  such  proved 
to  be  my  self-imposed  mission  for  the  furtherance  of 
a  better  understanding  between  the  German  Empire 
and  America.  At  the  end  of  the  discussion,  we  shook 
hands  and  I  left  Dr.  Warmer  with  the  promise  of  be 
ing  in  my  place  at  10  o'clock  the  next  morning. 

Next  morning  I  was  about  to  leave  my  dwelling 
when  some  one  knocked  and  the  business  manager  of 
the  Deutschen  Zeitung,  Mr.  Karl  Bolleder,  appeared. 
He  was  a  good  friend  of  mine  and  had  taken  great 
pains  to  bring  about  an  understanding  between  Dr. 
Warmer  and  myself.  To  my  surprise  he  told  me  that 
the  publisher  of  the  Deutschen  Zeitung  had,  during 
the  night,  decided  definitely  not  to  give  me  the  posi 
tion  and  would  not  be  able  to  keep  his  word  of  the 
evening  before.  On  my  request  for  an  explanation, 
Herr  Bolleder  replied  that  he  was  not  able  to  give  any 
definite  reason,  but  he  believed  that  during  the  night 
some  unfriendly  influence  had  been  used.  Only  a  few 
moments  later  a  carriage  stopped  at  the  door  and  an 


130    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

official  from  the  German  Embassy,  who  explained  to 
me  that  his  highness,  Prince  Eulenburg,  had  spoken 
about  me  with  the  chancellor  while  in  Berlin,  but  was 
very  sorry  to  have  to  inform  me  that  he  was  not  in 
a  position  to  in  any  way  do  anything  for  me,  or  to  help 
me  as  he  had  promised  to  do. 

Herr  von  Sternburg's  warning  again  occurred  to 
me.  As  much  and  as  long  as  I  had  tried  not  to  believe 
there  was  anything  wrong,  I  was  forced  to  the  opinion, 
in  the  face  of  so  many  proofs,  that  I  was  the  victim  of 
a  malevolent  intrigue.  Once  arrived  at  this  conclu 
sion,  I  decided  to  act. 

Oh  May  22d  I  sent  a  registered  letter  to  the  chan 
cellor,  in  which  I  made  known  to  him  my  curious  ex 
periences  in  Vienna,  and  at  the  same  time  told  him  that 
Herr  von  Sternburg  had  warned  me  against  the  letter 
of  introduction  of  the  German  Ambassador  in  Wash 
ington  to  Prince  Eulenburg.  My  letter  ended  with  a 
request  for  an  inquiry  into  the  affair. 

No  answer! 

Next  month  I  learned  that  unfriendly  influences 
were  at  work  against  me,  trying  to  stamp  me  as  a 
political  secret  agent  of  the  German  government.* 

In  July  I  went  to  visit  the  exposition  in  Paris.  I 
there  wrote,  at  the  request  of  Dr.  Franz  Schneider, 
my  experiences  in  the  Embassy  in  Washington,  and 

*  Certain  Vienna  sheets,  with  whom  I  hope  to  become  better 
acquainted  in  court,  published,  after  the  incident  of  March 
12,  1902,  the  inspired  libel  that  I  once  was  driven  out  of 
Vienna  at  the  instance  of  Count  Goluchowskv,  and  that  I  had 
been  in  prison  in  New  York.  I  hereby  offer  a  reward  of 
10,000  marks  for  the  production  of  proof  that  I  was  ban 
ished  from  Austria  or  that  I  was  ever  in  prison  in  New  York. 
Any  one  who  can  bring  the  proof  can  claim  this  sum,  even 
the  upright  Viennese  Schmock,  who,  in  the  interest  of  the 
Berlin  Wolff's  den  and  her  dark  underlings,  lent  himself  to 
this  journalistic  hangman's  job. 


THE  BIGGEST  BRUTE— A  WHITE  CROW     131 

gave  it  to  him  to  look  over.  When  he  had  read  it, 
he  shook  his  head  sympathetically  and  said: 

"Yes,  that  is  our  record.  There  is  no  worse  call 
ing  than  that  of  a  political  journalist.  I,  who  have 
been  a  correspondent  in  six  different  principal  capi 
tals  for  the  Cologne  Zeitung,  have  experienced  it  my 
self."  * 

Dr.  Schneider  was  so  excited  while  reading  my 
manuscript  that  he  offered  to  go  at  once  to  the  Embassy 
and  lay  it  before  Prince  Miinster,  that  an  investigation 
should  at  once  be  made  of  my  situation  in  the  interest 
of  the  Empire. 

Later  we  met  in  a  cafe. 

"There  is  nothing  to  be  done  with  that  dull  per 
son,"  he  confided  to  me.  "The  old  man  has  no  interest 
in  anything  and  only  wants  to  be  let  alone  in  peace. 
I  advise  you  to  go  yourself  to  the  Embassy." 

I  followed  his  advice  and  went  the  next  day  to  the 
Embassy,  where  I  was  received  by  the  Second  Secre 
tary,  Count  Goben.  I  told  him  that  in  the  interest 
of  the  German  Empire  and  the  good  standing  of  Ger 
man  diplomacy,  I  asked  the  help  of  the  Embassy  to 
bring  about  an  investigation  of  my  case.  Count  Goben 
listened  to  my  recitation  with  attention.  "Simply 
unbelievable — unheard  of — scandalous,"  he  exclaimed 
involuntarily,  and  he  volunteered  to  telephone  to  Lux 
emburg  to  Herr  von  Mumm  and  ask  his  intervention 
to  bring  about  an  investigation. 

He  returned,  shrugging  his  shoulders. 

"I  cannot  understand  it,"  he  began.  "Herr  von 
Mumm  wishes  you  well,  as  you  told  me,  he  knows  you, 

*  Exactly  the  same  opinion  was  expressed  by  Herr  Rudolph 
Cronan,  who,  at  the  beginning  of  the  war  between  Spain  and 
America,  was  discharged  from  the  position  of  Washington 
correspondent  of  the  Cologne  Zeitung  because  he  refused  to 
hate  the  United  States  on  order. 


132    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

has  asked  favours  of  your  pen,  and  yet  refuses  to  mix 
in  the  affair.  Can  you  explain  his  attitude?" 

"Yes,  I  think  I  can.  Herr  von  Mumm  has  re 
peatedly  said  to  me,  that  it  is  the  height  of  his  ambi 
tion  to  be  the  successor  of  Herr  von  Holleben  in 
Washington,  and  he  is  acting  quite  correctly  in  refus 
ing  to  intervene  in  my  affairs  ....  He  calculates 
that  to  bring  my  case  into  the  open  would  have  un 
pleasant  consequences  for  Herr  von  Holleben." 

I  have  not  heard  of  nor  seen  Count  Goben  since  our 
interview.  It  seemed  to  me  that  he  was  not  a  diplomat 
of  that  stamp  who  had  the  gift  of  hiding  his  thoughts. 
No  wonder  that  he  does  not  make  a  career  as  fast  as 
Herr  von  Mumm  or  Baron  Sternburg! 

Returned  to  Vienna,  I  took  my  next  step.  I  de 
manded  of  Herr  von  Holleben,  who  was  in  Europe  on 
leave,  if  he  were  ready  for  an  examination  of  the 
difficulties  between  us  by  a  court  of  honour  and  as 
ready  to  take  the  oath  as  I  was.  There  resulted  a 
long  correspondence,  from  which  I  give  the  following 
letters  from  his  excellency: 

"Paris,  October  18,  1900. 
"Dear  Sir: 

"In  answer  to  your  letter  of  the  I2th,  which  I  received 
to-day,  I  will  say  that  I  am  not  able,  without  the  authority 
of  the  Foreign  Office,  to  take  the  steps  indicated  by  you,  and 
I  must  beg  you  to  address  yourself  there. 

"On  November  ist,  not  before,  I  expect  to  be  in  Berlin. 
As  I  am  leaving  Paris  to-day,  I  must  beg  you,  in  case  you, 
have  anything  to  say  to  me  before  the  ist,  to  send  it  to  the 
address  of  the  Imperial  Prussian  envoy  in  Karlsruhe. 

"Yours  truly, 

"HOLLEBEN." 

"Karlsruhe,  Oct.  27,  1900. 
"Dear  Sir: 

"In  answer  to  your  letter  sent  to  me  care  of  the  Imperial 
envoy  here,  I  would  say: 

"According  to  my  best  convictions,  I  have  no  reason  to 


THE  BIGGEST  BRUTE— A  WHITE  CROW     133 

fear  the  judgment  of  a  third  party  as  regards  my  manner 
of  conduct  towards  you.  I  therefore  personally  have  not 
the  slightest  desire  to  avoid  such  a  course.  I  am,  however, 
not  able,  as  I  wrote  you  before,  to  act  without  the  consent 
of  the  Foreign  Office.  If,  as  it  now  seems,  you  are  contem 
plating  making  a  report,  I  am  not  afraid,  on  my  side,  to 
speak;  but  I  should,  however,  like  to  know,  first,  what  you 
accuse  me  of;  second,  whom  you  would  propose  to  conduct  an 
inquiry. 

"From  your  letters  I  cannot  tell  in  what  manner  I  have 
injured  you  by  supporting  your  enemies.  I  can  at  least  not 
be  made  responsible  for  Wolff's  machinations  in  Vienna. 

"From  the  above  you  will  see  that  a  so-called  statement 
seems  to  me  without  object.  On  the  other  hand,  I  will  gladly 
help  you,  if  I  can,  with  advice  and  deed. 

"An  immediate  answer  will  reach  me  in  Berlin,  W.,  Hotel 
Bristol,  Unter  den  Linden. 

"Yours  truly, 

"HOLLEBEN." 


"Hotel  Bristol,  Unter  den  Linden, 

"Berlin,  Nov.  3,  1900. 
"Dear  Sir: 

"I  have  no  hesitation  in  recommending  you  to  Herr  von 
Siemens,  yet  I  should  like  at  once  a  complete  report  of  your 
earlier  activities,  as  well  as  a  statement  of  your  wishes  re 
specting  Constantinople.  On  this  condition  alone  would  a 
recommendation  be  practicable. 

"Yours  truly, 

"HOLLEEEN." 

"Hotel  Bristol,  Unter  den  Linden, 

"Berlin,  Nov.  7,  1900. 
"Dear  Sir: 

"I  beg  you  to  hasten  the  material  relative  to  your  introduc 
tion,  as  I  shall  not  remain  long  in  Berlin.  I  would  also 
remark,  as  before,  that  I  have  no  fear  of  laying  the  whole 
matter  before  a  third  person.  As  such  I  would  suggest  the 
entirely  impartial  Legation  Consul  Hermann;  also  Baron 
Sternburg,  who  is  in  Germany,  might  be  induced  to  negotiate. 

"Yours  truly, 

"HOLLEBEN." 

As  I  did  not  think  best  to  accept  as  umpire  the  men 
proposed  by  his  excellency,  knowing  their  personel 


134    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

honour  and  the  dependence  of  their  position,  I  pro 
posed  Prince  Herbert  Bismarck.  His  excellency  was 
so  indignant  at  this  that  he  sent  me  the  following  note, 
and  sailed  for  New  York  without  keeping  the  prom 
ises  made  in  his  former  letters : 

"Berlin.  Nov.  12,  IQOO. 
"Dear  Sir: 

"After  consultation  with  important  personages,  I  find  my 
self  no  longer  in  a  position  to  continue  the  correspondence. 

"Yours  truly, 

"HOLLEBEN." 

I  thereupon  replied  once  more  to  the  Ambassador 
that  I  would  accept  Herr  von  Sternburg  as  arbitrator, 
and  somewhat  later  I  laid  my  complaint  before  the 
Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs,  Baron  von  Richthofen, 
to  whom  I  sent  my  correspondence  with  the  Ambassa 
dor.  To  this  again  I  received  no  answer. 

The  circumstances  forced  me  to  a  conclusion. 
Wolff's  machinations  in  Vienna,  as  the  Ambassador 
had  remarked,  had  made  my  stay  there  unpleasant. 
It  hardly  seemed  advisable  for  me  to  go  to  Berlin, 
and,  rack  my  brain  as  I  might,  there  seemed  nothing 
left  for  me  to  do  but  return  with  my  family  to  the 
United  States.  Consideration  for  my  family  obliged 
me  to  bring  the  affair  to  a  close  in  one  way  or  another. 

We  arrived  in  New  York  about  the  I5th  of  Decem 
ber,  and  I  let  the  Ambassador  know  of  my  arrival.  At 
the  same  time  I  requested  him  to  let  me  know  by  Sun 
day  noon  what  his  intentions  were.  Five  minutes  be 
fore  the  time  stated  I  received,  by  special  delivery, 
the  following  letter  from  the  Ambassador : 

"Washington,  Dec.  22,  1900. 
"Dear  Sir: 

"I  have  requested  the  Consul  General,  Dr.  Biinz,  to  com 
municate  with  you.  Whether  it  will  be  possible  for  him  to 
see  you  on  Sunday,  I  cannot  say. 


THE  BIGGEST  BRUTE— A  WHITE  CROW     135 

"You  will  have  received  my  letter  of  the  I2th  ultimo. 
Yours  of  the  same  date  followed  me  here.  I  have  answered 
it,  but  the  contents  of  the  reply  now  no  longer  apply. 

"Yours  truly, 

"HOLLEBEN." 


Five  minutes  after  receiving  this  letter,  I  had  a  tele 
gram  from  the  German  Consul  General,  Dr.  Karl 
Biinz,  in  which  he  invited  me  to  visit  him  that  after 
noon  at  his  residence  facing  Central  Park.  I  went  at 
the  appointed  time. 

"This  is  a  bad  business  between  you  and  Herr  von 
Holleben,"  he  began,  after  receiving  me,  "and  I  should 
like  you  to  kindly  give  me  your  side  of  the  case.  Hav 
ing  heard  only  the  Ambassador's  side,  I  am  not  able  to 
form  an  opinion." 

I  told  my  history,  showed  him  how  through  the 
perfidy  of  Wolff's  agent  I  had  been  forced  out  of 
my  position  in  Washington,  and  that,  besides  this, 
my  plan  of  a  correspondence  had  been  stolen,  and  I 
had  returned  to  Vienna  on  the  advice  of  the  Ambassa1 
dor,  and  that  Herr  von  Sternburg  had  warned  me  of 
the  letter  to  Prince  Eulenburg.  That  in  Vienna  a  re 
port  had  spread  concerning  me  to  the  effect  that  I 
was  a  political  secret  agent  of  the  German  government, 
and  that  I  was  bound  to  have  an  explanation. 

The  Consul  General  walked  up  and  down  the  room 
a  few  times. 

"It  is  a  very  bad  affair,"  he  repeated,  "and  you 
have  made  it  worse  by  making  a  complaint  to  Herr 
von  Richthofen.  The  more  I  think  about  the  affair 
the  less  I  can  blame  you,  if  you  have  become  suspi 
cious.  You  have  had  a  very  disagreeable  experience, 
and — Herr  von  Sternburg  told  me  something  of  the 
matter  when  he  was  here  and  we  laid  our  souls  bare. 
You  have  certainly  been  mistreated  and  your  life  made 


136    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

very  hard.  It  goes  against  human  nature  to  accept 
such  things  in  silence,  even  if  one  is  a  good  Christian 
and  believes  in  the  adage  that  we  must  forgive  our 
enemies.  I — hm,  have  really  not  a  bad  opinion  of 
you,  and  hm — believe  that  we  will  be  able  to  reach 
an  understanding.  If  only  you  had  not  sent  that  com 
plaint  to  Herr  von  Richthofen!  I  have — hm — hm — 
hm — a  communication  to  make  from  the  Ambassador, 
that  he  is  quite  ready  to  make  good  whatever  loss  you 
have  sustained,  as  you  suppose,  through  him.  But 
for  certain  reasons," — here  again  the  Consul  General 
was  attacked  by  a  cough — "he  must  request  that  to 
day  you  send  a  communication  to  the  Secretary  for 
Foreign  Affairs  in  Berlin,  and  explain  to  him  that  your 
difficulties  with  the  Ambassador  have  been  straight 
ened  out.  You  look  astonished " 

"If  it  were  only  true,"  I  replied. 

"Yes,  I  can  well  understand  that  you  are  incredu 
lous,  and — I  will  confess  that  suspicions  are  not  with 
out  ground.  But — "  The  Consul  General  here  placed 
himself  before  me,  laid  his  hand  on  his  heart:  "If  I 
give  you  my  word  of  honour  that  you  will  not  regret 
it  if  you  send  this  explanation  to  Herr  von  Richthofen, 
if  I  give  you  my  word  of  honour  that  you  will  have 
no  further  cause  to  complain  of  Herr  von  Holleben, 
and  that  this  time  he  will  keep  his  word,  then  would 
you  be  able  to  send  the  explanation  to  Berlin?" 

At  first  I  did  not  reply.  I  thought,  without  being 
able  to  make  up  my  mind.  At  last  I  replied,  in  a  voice 
that  showed  my  inner  excitement,  "I  will  believe  you, 
Mr.  General  Consul,  and  trust  myself  to  your  word  of 
honour  that  these  disgraceful  machinations  shall  cease 
and  I  and  my  family  be  no  longer  deprived  of  a  means 
of  livelihood." 

The  Consul  General  took  both  my  hands.     "You 


THE  BIGGEST  BRUTE— A  WHITE  CROW     137 

have  my  word  of  honour"  he  said  in  raised  tones. 
He  then  went  to  his  desk  and  took  out  a  piece  of  paper 
on  which  was  the  following  in  his  handwriting : 

"Your  Excellency: 

"In  reference  to  my  communication  to  your  excellency  of 
the  22d  of  November  of  this  year,  concerning  the  differences 
between  his  excellency  von  Holleben  and  myself,  I  must  not 
delay  to  make  known  to  your  excellency  that  on  my  return 
here  a  complete  understanding  has  been  reached  between 
his  excellency  and  myself,  and  therefore  my  charge  may  be 
dismissed. 

"Your  excellency's  obedient  servant, 

"E.  WITTE." 

"If  you  will  sit  at  my  desk  and  copy  this  off  and 
put  it  in  an  envelope  addressed  by  you,  I  will  see 
to  it  that  it  leaves  to-day  for  its  destination." 

I  did  as  the  Consul  General  directed  me.  I  handed 
him  the  explanation,  which  without  doubt  is  filed  with 
my  case  to-day  in  the  Wilhelmstrasse.  There  came 
about,  through  the  intermediation  of  Herr  Biinz,  a 
reconciliation  with  the  understanding  that  Herr  von 
Holleben  was  to  refund  me  my  travelling  expenses, 
as  well  as  to  assure  me  of  a  suitable  position  if  on 
account  of  Wolff's  indiscretion  I  was  not  able  to  find 
one. 

After  the  sending  of  the  explanation  to  Berlin,  the 
matter  was  dismissed  by  both  of  my  worthy  protec 
tors! 

In  March  I  received,  to  my  surprise,  a  letter  dated 
from  Calcutta,  February  I5th,  in  which  Baron  Spec 
von  Sternburg  declared  himself  ready  to  act  as  media 
tor  between  Herr  von  Holleben  and  myself,  at  the  re 
quest  of  Herr  von  Holleben.  "My  dear  Herr  Witte," 
the  letter  began,  and  ended  with  the  words,  "You  may 
feel  assured  that  I  shall  do  all  in  my  power  to  bring 
about  an  understanding.  Yours  sincerely,  Frh.  Spec 


138    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

von  Sternburg,  Kaiserlich  Deutscher  General  Konsul." 
Soon  after  I  took  the  liberty  of  reminding  Herr  von 
Holleben  of  his  promise  made  to  me  through  Dr.  Biinz. 
He  replied  that  he  had  asked  the  Consul  General  to 
communicate  with  me.  On  the  9th  of  March  I  re 
ceived  from  the  latter  the  following  telegram : 

"New  York,  March  Qth. 

"Have  given  up  all  business.  Leaving  to-day  for  four 
weeks  in  Florida. 

"BiiNZ." 

It  is  easy  to  see  from  this  telegram  that  Dr.  Biinz 
would  have  acceded  to  the  wishes  of  Herr  von  Holle 
ben,  if  he  was  not  obliged  to  recuperate  by  a  four- 
weeks'  trip  to  Florida.  The  fact  that  Herr  Biinz  felt 
obliged  to  refer  to  this  trip  shows  that  he  was  aware 
of  the  disgraceful  manner  of  his  proceedings.  Herr 
Biinz  is  therefore  responsible  for  the  consequences  of 
his  own  stupidity. 


CHAPTER   XV 

GERMAN   AMERICA 

My  Odyssey  in  Western  America. — The  most  corrupt  city  in 
the  world. — The  Bismarck  of  St.  Louis. — A  German  sheet 
that  serves  three  masters. — On  the  blacklist. — Officials  of 
the  German  Consulate  in  Chicago  announce  the  fusion  of 
two  German  papers  to  silence  the  attacks  of  the  Chicago 
Freie  Presse. — I  address  Superintendent  Diehl  of  the  As 
sociated  Press. — My  sojourn  in  Milwaukee. — "Germany  is 
ready  from  the  ground  up." — What  Emil  von  Schleimitz 
told  me. — Earthquakes  among  German  journalists  in  Amer 
ica. — I  prefer  a  new  petition  to  Herr  von  Richthofen. 

WHEN  I  think  back  on  that  sad  period  of  my  life, 
I  appear  to  myself  like  the  long-suffering  Ulysses, 
who  was  obliged  to  pass  through  all  kinds  of  adven 
tures  before  he  was  able  to  return  to  his  beloved  home 
and  wreak  vengeance  on  the  gay  suitors  to  his  wife. 

Having  decided  to  break  entirely  with  the  past,  at 
the  beginning  of  May  I  went  to  St.  Louis  to  seek  a  po 
sition  with  the  Exposition,  which  had  just  started  with 
a  regular  American  boom.  I  had  procured  an  intro 
duction  from  the  worthy  Martin  Glynn  in  Albany, 
New  York,  one  of  the  commissioners  of  the  Expo 
sition,  and  felt  quite  sure  that  at  last  I  had  found  a 
field  of  usefulness  for  my  many-sided  experiences. 
Dr.  Emil  Praetorius,  the  worthy  Nestor  of  the  Ger 
man-American  press,  was  also  of  this  opinion. 

"It  was  an  extremely  good  idea  of  yours  to  come 
here  and  offer  your  services  to  the  leaders  of  the  Ex 
position,  who  need  just  such  men  as  you.  I  will  do 

139 


140    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

whatever  I  can  for  you.  Please  call  at  my  office,  where 
all  further  arrangements  can  be  made.  I  think  you 
will  find  a  well-paid  position  with  us  for  at  least  three 
years.  The  difficulties  which  you  have  had  with  the 
German  government,  and  about  which  I  am  thor 
oughly  conversant,  will  make  no  difference  to  us." 

I  gratefully  shook  the  hand  of  the  old  forty-eighter. 
At  last  I  had  found  a  man  who  acted  and  spoke  like 
a  man! 

On  the  sixth  day,  when,  by  appointment,  I  entered 
the  private  room  of  Herr  Dr.  Praetor ius,  in  the  West- 
liche  Post  Building,  he  came  toward  me  with  em 
barrassment  : 

"You  must  have  very  powerful  enemies  who  are 
working  against  you  here.  I  have  done  my  best  for 
you,  but  could  accomplish  nothing.  Go  and  see  Herr 
Schroers." 

Herr  John  Schroers,  to  whom  he  sent  me,  was  the 
business  manager  of  the  Westliche  Post  and  is 
pleased  to  be  called  the  "Bismarck  of  St.  Louis."  He 
lays  claim  to  this  proud  title  principally  for  the  rea 
son  that  he  assembled  four  newspapers  under  one  man 
agement.  It  is  only  possible  in  America,  and  there 
only  possible  in  St.  Louis,  that  the  same  newspaper 
should  serve,  in  its  different  editions,  as  many  different 
political  masters.  Strongly  Republican  in  the  morning 
edition,  which  appears  as  the  Westliche  Post;  half 
Democratic  and  half  Socialistic  in  the  Anseiger,  the 
evening  edition;  and  neutral  for  all  three  parties  in 
the  Mississippi  Blatter,  the  well-known  fat  Sunday  edi 
tion;  this  is  the  celebrated  sheet  in  the  town  of  the 
great  German  brewer,  Adolphus  Busch. 

As  everything  in  America  must  be  measured  by  a 
giant  measuring  stick,  St.  Louis  lays  claim  to  being 
the  "Most  corrupt  city  in  the  world";  and  the  court 


GERMAN  AMERICA  141 

investigations  of  the  corruption  which  smells  to  heaven 
in  all  the  spheres  of  public  life  have  shown  that  this 
title  is  well  deserved.  Unfortunately,  it  must  be  said 
that  many  Germans  have  played  a  sad  role  in  the  ex 
posed  cases. 

I  followed  the  advice  of  Herr  Praetorius  and 
called  on  Herr  Schroers  in  his  office.  He  had  hardly 
heard  my  name  when  he  approached  me  with  raised 
hands  and  declared  with  emphasis: 

"I  know  what  brings  you  to  St.  Louis,  and  I  can 
tell  you  that  your  undertaking  is  all  in  vain.  You  will 
never  find  a  position  or  occupation  here,  and  the  sooner 
you  leave  St.  Louis  the  better  it  will  be  for  you  and 
your  family." 

"How  shall  I  understand  your  words?"  I  asked  him. 
"Herr  Dr.  Praetorius  gave  me  his  word  that  with  my 
European  knowledge  and  experience  I  would  be  very 
acceptable  to  the  Exposition  company  and  would  be 
able  to  find  a  profitable  position  for  at  least  three 
years." 

Herr  Schroers  raised  his  eyes  and  hands  to  heaven : 
"I  can  only  repeat  what  I  have  said  to  you;  you  will 
never  find  a  position  in  St.  Louis !" 

The  words  of  Herr  Schroers  proved  the  sad  truth. 
I  set  every  wheel  in  motion,  but  found  all  doors  closed. 
I  questioned  Richard  Bartholdt  as  to  the  reason  why 
my  letter  from  Commissioner  Martin  Glynn  had  so 
little  weight.  He  laughed  ironically  and  said :  "Glynn 
is  the  only  Democrat  on  the  commission,  and  his  rec 
ommendations,  therefore,  are  not  worth  anything." 

From  one  who  was  in  close  connection  with  the 
German  consulate,  I  learned  that  word  had  gone  out 
to  all  the  consulates  in  the  country  that  nowhere  was 
I  to  receive  employment.  I  went  to  the  consulate  and 
demanded  an  interview  with  the  consul.  I  was  rudely 


142    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

told  that  I  might  not  speak  with  him.  I  knew  enough. 
I  was  not,  therefore,  much  surprised  when  the  owner 
of  a  St.  Louis  English  weekly  for  which  I  regularly 
wrote  articles  declared  that  he  would  be  obliged  to 
look  for  some  one  else  to  write  of  German  affairs, 
as  he  had  been  made  to  understand  that  he  would  lose 
the  greater  part  of  his  subscribers  if  he  continued  to 
publish  my  articles.  It  was  the  same  in  St.  Louis  as 
in  Vienna. 

Weary  of  the  fruitless  struggle,  I  decided  to  try  my 
luck  in  the  "Queen  of  the  West,"  Chicago.  I  left  my 
family  in  St.  Louis  and  went  alone  to  the  city  on  Lake 
Michigan,  where  I  called  on  Herr  Richard  Michaelis, 
publisher  of  the  Freie  Presse,  in  whose  paper  the  ar 
ticle  had  appeared  on  "The  Deeds  of  Messrs.  Holleben 
and  Biinz."  Herr  Michaelis,  of  whom  it  had  been 
said  that  he  was  a  Bismarckian  reptile,  had  hardly 
heard  my  name  when  he  invited  me  into  his  private 
office. 

"I  have  heard  about  you,"  he  began,  "and  I  must 
confess  that  your  case  interests  me  for  more  reasons 
than  one.  Tell  me  what  newspapers  are  paid  by  the 
Ambassador." 

I  told  him  some  of  them,  and  finally  remarked  that 
I  had  been  accused  at  the  Embassy  of  having  written 
the  article  which  appeared  in  his  paper,  entitled,  "The 
Deeds  of  Messrs.  Holleben  and  Biinz."  I  also  men 
tioned  the  fact  that  it  had  been  the  intention  of  Ed 
ward  Leygh,  the  publisher  in  chief  of  the  Deutschcn 
Korrespondenten,  as  a  result  of  this  article,  to  start  a 
press  campaign  against  the  Ambassador,  von  Holleben, 
and  consul,  Biinz,  and  that  I  had  had  difficulty  in 
preventing  him. 

Herr  Michaelis  smiled.  "Of  course,  I  knew  that 
you  were  not  the  author  of  the  'Deeds  of  Messrs.  Hoi- 


GERMAN  AMERICA  143 

leben  and  Btinz.'  That  article  brought  me  luck,  as 
shortly  after  its  appearance  a  German  vice-consul  came 
to  see  me  and  pledged  me  to  cease  my  attacks  on  the 
two  named  officials.  I  would  be  rewarded  and  my 
paper  would  be  helped  wherever  it  appeared.  As  the 
Illinois  Staats  Zeitung  was  still  my  strongest  competi 
tor,  there  came  about  a  transaction  through  the  in 
fluence  of  the  consul  by  which  I  obtained  control  of 
the  Staats  Zeitung,  so  that  there  was  no  further  trou 
ble  of  competition.  You  are,  as  I  perceive,  in  a  diffi 
cult  position,  but  you  do  not  need  to  give  up.  You 
have  a  good  and  strong  case,  and  the  truth  must  finally 
triumph." 

At  this  time  occurred  the  dismissal  of  Herr  von 
Schierbrand,  correspondent  of  the  Associated  Press 
at  Berlin.  The  memory  of  our  meeting  was  still  fresh 
in  my  mind,  and  I  wanted  if  possible  to  render  him  a 
service.  While  speaking  with  Mr.  Diehl  of  the  Asso 
ciated  Press,  I  showed  him  that  probably  the  For 
eign  Office  would  recall  the  dismissal  if  it  were  brought 
to  their  knowledge  that  a  bad  impression  had  been 
made  in  America  by  this  action.  "You  have  it  in  your 
power,"  I  told  him,  "through  the  medium  of  Reuter 
and  Wolff,  to  spread  the  news  through  the  entire  Ger 
man  press  that  the  dismissal  of  Herr  von  Schierbrand 
from  Berlin  meant  to  America  the  re-opening  of  an 
anti-American  press  campaign  in  Germany,  and  the 
danger  was  great  that  the  American  press,  on  its  side, 
would  answer  with  hounding  the  Germans. 

"That  is  the  only  way  we  can  save  Schierbrand," 
replied  Mr.  Diehl,  "and  I  thank  you  in  his  as  well  as 
my  name.  I  will  at  once  make  the  trial." 

Whether  Herr  Diehl  really  ever  took  any  steps  to 
ward  saving  Herr  von  Schierbrand  is  uncertain;  in 
that  case,  they  at  least  were  without  result.  The  dis- 


144    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

missal  was  approved  by  the  higher  council  of  the  As 
sociated  Press  in  New  York  and  the  Foreign  Office, 
and  neither  Herr  Diehl  nor  I  had  any  power  to  change 
it. 

For  the  rest,  my  experiences  in  Chicago  were  as  like 
those  in  St.  Louis  as  one  egg  to  another. 

My  next  goal  was  the  most  German  city  of  the 
Union,  Milwaukee.  I  arrived  the  same  day  on  which 
an  inspired  hymn  of  praise  was  published  in  Germania 
lauding  Herr  von  Holleben.  I  sought  the  chief  editor, 
Herr  Emil  von  Schleinitz,  and  explained  to  him  why  I 
was  not  of  his  opinion.  Herr  von  Schleinitz  acknowl 
edged  the  justice  of  my  arguments,  and  regretted  that 
he  had  not  known  sooner  of  my  difficulties  with  Herr 
von  Holleben.  His  words  were : 

"I  was  in  Berlin  last  year  and  spoke  with  the  Sec 
retary  of  State  (Staats  sekretar)  for  Foreign  Affairs, 
as  well  as  with  the  Imperial  Chancellor.  I  was  of 
fered  money  and  decorations.  I  was  also  to  be  re 
ceived  by  the  Emperor,  but  the  audience  did  not  take 
place,  as  the  imperial  disposition  was  changed  at  the 
last  moment.  Too  bad  that  I  did  not  know  then  of 
your  affair ;  I  could  have  cleared  it  up  with  one  word ! 
But  I  will  write  at  once  to  the  charge  d'affaires  of  the 
German  Embassy,  Count  Quadt,  in  Washington,  and 
ask  him  to  use  his  influence  to  bring  about  an  under 
standing  in  your  case." 

Herr  von  Schleinitz  wanted  to  hear  what  I  knew 
about  Germany's  readiness  for  war  against  America. 

ff Germany  is  absolutely  ready"  (erzbereit),  I  re 
plied,  "as  she  must  necessarily  be." 

"I  know,  I  know,"  replied  Herr  von  Schleinitz,  "I 
know  even  more.  I  have  spoken  with  high  officers 
in  Berlin  and  heard  astonishing  things.  THEY  ARE 


GERMAN  AMERICA  145 

COUNTING  VERY  HEAVILY  ON  THE  GERMANS  IN  THE 
WESTERN  STATES." 

Herr  von  Schleinitz  and  I  looked  each  other  in  the 
eyes.  WE  KNEW! 

A  few  days  later  I  again  met  the  editor-in-chief  of 
the  Germania.  He  had  received  a  letter  from  the 
charge  d'affairs  of  the  Embassy,  and  read  it  aloud  to 
me.  "With  many  thanks"  (this  was  about  the  sub 
stance)  "for  this  assurance  of  your  friendly  interest. 
I  am  sorry  to  have  to  tell  you  that  it  will  be  impossible 
for  me  to  take  any  steps  whatever  in  the  affair  you 
mention.  I  leave  it  to  your  judgment  whether  or  not 
to  apply  to  Berlin." 

Herr  von  Schleinitz  evidently  knew  more  than  he 
told  me,  but  thought  it  best  to  withhold  the  rest  of  the 
letter  from  me.  After  a  pause,  he  began  again: 
"The  German  journalists  in  America  have  often  to 
bear  a  very  heavy  burden.  Hardly  any  one  of  us  is 
spared  the  hardest  kind  of  struggle  for  existence.  I 
myself  worked  as  a  day  labourer  in  a  factory,  as  did 
also  our  colleague,  George  von  Skal,  the  editor-in- 
chief  of  the  New  Yorker  Staats-Zeitung.  Many  who 
are  without  a  position  wander  the  streets  or  take  help 
from  charitable  societies.  I  realise  that  you  are  fight 
ing  a  hard  fight,  and  that  you  suffer  so  much  the  more 
as  you  have  a  big  family  to  provide  for.  But  hold 
your  head  high  and  do  not  be  downcast  by  your  ill 
luck.  You  have  it  in  your  power  to  make  a  great  deal 
of  mischief,  but  as  a  good  German  you  would  not  do 
that  under  any  circumstances." 

"What  you  have  said  to  me  I  had  already  heard  in 
several  variations,"  I  replied.  "My  patriotism  as  a 
German  is  appealed  to,  but  at  the  same  time  I  am  pre 
vented  on  all  sides  from  making  a  livelihood.  Why 
am  I  not  offered  a  position  in  your  big  establishment?" 


146    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

Herr  von  Schleinitz  made  no  reply.  I  believe  that 
he  personally  would  gladly  have  given  me  a  position, 
but  he  was  powerless  against  the  strong  influences 
which  were  working  against  me.  What  he  told  me 
about  the  unfortunate  experiences  of  German  jour 
nalists  in  America  was  not  new  to  me.  I  had  had 
many  personal  experiences  and  known  of  many  sad 
cases. 

In  those  days  my  courage  almost  failed  me.  Life 
did  not  seem  to  me  worth  living,  and  I  earnestly  asked 
myself  if  it  would  not  be  better  for  me  and  my  fam 
ily  to  give  up  the  struggle  against  the  powers  of  dark 
ness,  which  made  our  existence  equal  to  the  pains  of 
hell,  and  take  my  own  life.  But  always  I  refrained 
from  doing  so  because  of  the  thought  that  that  was 
exactly  what  would  please  my  enemies.  No,  I  would 
not  do  it!  Let  come  what  might,  somewhere  there 
must  be  justice. 

As  my  trip  to  Milwaukee  proved  useless  also,  I 
returned  to  my  family  in  St.  Louis.  I  was  convinced 
that  if  I  did  not  do  something  we  would  all  perish. 
But  do  what?  I  wrote  to  Herr  von  Richthofen,  the 
Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs  in  Berlin,  in  which  let 
ter  I  lifted  the  veil  from  many  affairs  concerning  the 
Embassy  which  until  then  had  been  shrouded,  and 
once  more  asked  for  an  investigation,  at  the  same  time 
saying  that  if  it  were  denied  me  I  should  consider  it 
my  right  to  fight  by  all  legal  means  against  the  mach 
inations  which  were  endangering  my  existence  and 
that  of  my  family.  Herr  von  Richthofen  might  see 
in  this  letter  the  course  I  was  determined  to  take  in 
the  future.  Then  I  opened  a  correspondence  with 
Herr  Professor  Hugo  Miinsterberg,  the  much-spoken 
of  and  celebrated  professor  of  Harvard  University,  in 
Cambridge,  Massachusetts. 


CHAPTER  XVI 

THE  TRIBE  OF  HERR  PROFESSOR 

Conceited  professors  1 — Professor  Hugo  Miinsterberg  of 
Harvard  University,  Cambridge,  Mass. — His  statement  re 
garding  German-American  journalists. — He  creates  a  doc 
tor's  degree  for  the  Ambassador. — An  arraignment  of 
Professor  Gustav  Birchow. — Professor  Miinsterberg's  con 
nection  with  the  Embassy  and  the  Berlin  Foreign  Office. — 
He  threatens  me  with  the  persecution  of  the  German 
Empire ! — Professor  Hermann  Schoenfeld  of  Washington. 
— His  unexampled  American  career. — How  he  became 
American  consul  at  Riga. — Following  that  in  Spanish,  Ger 
man,  and  Turkish  service. — His  plan  for  founding  a  great 
English  monthly. — The  Ambassador's  hesitation. — Hard-up 
Turks. — Declaration  of  the  Washington  Chief  of  Police. — 
Professor  Schoenfeld  and  Karl  Hau. — The  Spider  and 
the  Fly. 

"CONCEITED  professors !"  Thus,  according  to  a  cable 
message  to  the  New  Yorker  Staats-Zeitung,  the  Ger 
man  Emperor  expressed  himself  soon  after  the  inci 
dent  of  March  12,  1902,  about  certain  German  pro 
fessors  in  the  United  States,  and  meant  thereby,  in 
the  first  row,  the  very  worthy  and  respectable  Profes 
sor  Hugo  Miinsterberg  of  Harvard  University.  The 
Emperor,  by  this  expression,  struck,  as  so  often,  the 
nail  on  the  head  and  by  his  remark  removed  a  bone 
of  contention  from  many  German  and  Anglo-Amer 
icans  to  whom  the  interference  of  professors  of  Ger 
man  birth  at  the  Universities  of  the  United  States  in 
political  affairs  had  long  been  an  irritation. 

I  first  learned  there  was  a  Professor  Hugo  Munster- 

147 


148    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

berg  on  earth  when  a  great  hue  and  cry  was  raised  in 
the  German-American  papers  about  a  remark  of  the 
Herr  Professor,  in  which  he  said,  in  an  English  maga 
zine,  of  the  German- American  journalists,  that  they 
constantly  lived  in  a  foggy  circle  of  beer  and  sauer 
kraut  and  had  not  the  faintest  glimmering  of  an  idea 
of  the  American  situation  of  which  they  wrote. 

That  was  at  the  beginning  of  my  activities  at  the 
Embassy.  Soon  I  was  to  hear  more  of  him.  His 
Excellency  von  Holleben  journeyed  one  day  to  Cam 
bridge  as  a  guest  of  the  Harvard  professor  and  re 
turned  with  an  honourary  doctor's  degree,  as  proud  and 
happy  over  this  distinction  as  a  peacock.  "A  fine  man, 
this  Miinsterberg,"  was  the  comment  at  the  Embassy, 
where  many  pleased  faces  were  to  be  seen.  American 
titles  of  doctorate  are  not  particularly  highly  valued 
in  Europe,  especially  in  Germany,  and  the  free  distri 
bution  of  the  title  to  American  politicians  and  Euro 
pean  diplomats  does  not  serve  to  enhance  its  worth. 
That  later  Theodore  Roosevelt  and  even  Spec  von 
Sternburg,  who,  as  an  old  soldier,  was  the  sworn 
enemy  of  all  letters,  were  several  times  burdened  with 
the  American  doctor  title  does  not  change  the  fact. 
I  had  a  further  proof  of  the  activities  and  of  the  char 
acter  of  these  Herr  professors  when  one  day  at  the 
Embassy  a  typewritten  copy  of  an  article  was  given 
me  which  had  appeared  in  a  Boston  paper.  It  was  an 
arrogant  arraignment  of  Professor  Birchow,  who,  be 
cause  he  had  criticised  the  German  government  for  its 
colonial  policy,  was  called  a  "childish  old  man,"  whom, 
even  in  Germany,  no  one  took  any  more  in  earnest, 
and  whose  doings  and  harangues  outside  of  Germany 
were  altogether  of  no  consequence. 

"Professor  Miinsterberg  wrote  the  article,"  Hofrat 
Kinne  explained  to  me  in  the  intimacy  of  the  Embassy, 


THE  TRIBE  OF  HERR  PROFESSOR      149 

"and  his  excellency  requests  you  to  give  copies  of  it 
to  the  correspondents  here  and  so  spread  it  as  much 
as  possible." 

I  blushed  at  the  shamelessness  of  the  request,  took 
the  copy  and  put  it  in  my  scrap  basket  where  it  was 
deepest.  Only  one  copy  I  gave  to  another  academic 
teacher,  the  no  less  worthy  professor,  Hermann 
Schoenfeld,  of  the  Columbian  University  in  Washing 
ton,  who  was  highly  indignant  over  the  attack  and 
said  the  author  was  a  shame  to  all  the  German  pro 
fessors  in  America. 

From  these  happenings  I  began  to  form  my  own 
opinion  of  Professor  Miinsterberg.  I  received  further 
material  when  one  day  my  attention  was  drawn  to  an 
article  in  the  Catholic  Boston  Pilot,  in  which  Senator 
Henry  Cabot  Lodge,  the  well-known  friend  of  Presi 
dent  Roosevelt,  was  viciously  attacked  and  spoken  of 
as  the  only  hindrance  to  a  friendly  feeling  between 
Germany  and  the  United  States.  The  article  found  its 
way,  as  I  believe,  through  Paul  Haediche's  Deutsch 
Amerikanische  Korrespondenz  to  the  Imperial  Ger 
man  press,  was  commented  upon  in  this  by  chance 
and  cabled  back  to  America  by  Wolff's  Bureau,  to  the 
Associated  Press,  as  the  emanation  of  German  public 
opinion,  where  finally  stress  was  laid  upon  it  by  the 
entire  German-American  press. 

"A  very  clever  man,  the  professor,"  again  was  the 
comment. 

But  all  these  and  other  intrigues  have  not  been  able 
to  shake  the  faith  of  President  Roosevelt  in  Senator 
Lodge  or  bring  about  his  downfall. 

If  any  one  were  able  to  do  so,  Professor  Miinster 
berg  seemed  to  me  the  man  who  would  be  able  to  ar 
range  my  difficulties,  and  I  therefore  called  upon  him 
for  help  in  a  letter  from  St.  Louis,  in  which  I  remarked 


150    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

that  I  should  be  obliged  to  resort  to  publicity  if  I 
were  not  able  to  receive  fair  play.  I  received  four 
communications  from  the  professor,  from  which  I 
give  the  most  striking  extracts : 

FROM  THE  LETTER  OF  SEPTEMBER  13,  IpOI  : 

"You  are  right  when  you  assume  that  I  should  be  glad  to 
do  anything  which  would  prevent  a  disturbance  of  the 
friendly  relations  between  Germany  and  the  United  States. 
Therefore,  I  should  be  ready  at  once  in  your  behalf  to 
appeal  to  Count  Quadt  or  to  telegraph  to  the  German  gov 
ernment  in  Berlin." 

FROM  THE  LETTER  OF  SEPTEMBER  Ip,  IQOI  I 

"The  total  impression  your  letter  has  made  on  me  is  that 
you  have  fallen  in  disgrace  with  no  fault  on  your  own  part, 
and  that  now,  in  your  righteous  indignation,  have  turned 
against  Herr  von  Holleben.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  clear 
that  if  you  were  to  take  even  the  smallest  step  towards 
bringing  Herr  von  Holleben  in  discredit,  either  through  the 
newspapers  or  through  official  personages,  you  would  draw 
upon  yourself  the  persecution  of  the  German  Empire  for 
all  time.  You  alone,  therefore,  have  everything  to  fear. 

"But  if,  on  the  other  hand,  you  were  entirely  to  change 
your  course,  and  willingly  admit  that  you  have  been  blinded 
by  misunderstandings,  and  have  made  too  much  of  meaning 
less  small  occurrences,  and  that  from  now  on  you  will  stand 
entirely  for  the  German  Empire,  earnestly  striving  to  use 
your  fine  gifts  for  good  purposes.  In  short,  if  you  were  to 
write  to  Herr  von  Holleben  and  Herr  Richthofen  a  frank, 
honourable  letter  of  apology,  then  your  future  would  be  a 
hundred  times  more  favourable  and  agreeable  than  if  you 
persevere  in  enmity. 

"It  is  still  not  too  late  to  build  up  in  Germany  a  solid, 
honourable,  strong  existence,  and  with  your  knowledge  of 
American  affairs  to  be  of  great  use  over  there.  I  promise 
you  that  I  will  gladly  do  my  utmost  to  be  of  assistance  to 
you." 

FROM  THE  LETTER  OF  SEPTEMBER  27,  IQOI  : 

"You  must  not  become  impatient.  Were  I  to  cable  to 
Berlin,  the  officials  would  refer  me  to  Count  Quadt;  and 
were  I  to  write  to  Count  Quadt,  he  would  request  me  to  defer 
everything  for  an  oral  conference,  since  I  hope  to  have 


THE  TRIBE  OF  HERR  PROFESSOR      151 

Count  Quadt  with  me  on  the  5th  or  6th.  It  cannot  be  helped ; 
you  must  wait  until  about  the  6th  of  October,  otherwise  it 
will  do  no  good.  If  things  are  once  begun,  further  develop 
ment  will  follow  quickly.  It  grieves  me,  but  this  is  in  your 
own  interest." 

FROM  THE  LETTER  OF  OCTOBER  6,  IQOI  : 

"I  am  exceedingly  sorry  that,  after  such  a  long  negotiation, 
I  cannot  help  you  out  of  your  trouble,  and  further  that  I 
shall  not  be  able  to  take  any  part  in  the  future  in  your  affair. 
I  can  only  say  that  it  truly  grieves  me  that  now  perhaps 
you  will  have  to  face  difficult  times.  Hold  fast  to  a  conV" 
ciliatory  attitude. 

"With  best  wishes  for  your  future, 

"Yours, 

"HUGO  MiJNSTERBERG." 

I  put  aside  at  that  time  the  advice  of  the  professor 
to  write  to  Messrs.  Holleben  and  Richthofen  a  "letter 
of  honourable  frank  apology.'' 

My  Odyssey  was  not  yet  at  an  end.  At  the  close 
of  November  I  went  from  St.  Louis  to  Washington 
and  found  the  Ambassador  had  just  returned  from  his 
European  vacation.  My  first  visit  was  to  Hermann 
Schoenfeld,  professor  at  the  Columbian  University, 
and  Imperial  Ottoman  consul  general,  one  of  the  men 
who  had  been  meant  in  the  Kaiser's  remark  about  "con 
ceited  professors."  Herman  Schoenfeld  may  serve 
as  a  type  of  German-American  aspirers.  On  the  same 
day  that  he  set  foot  on  American  soil,  he  denied  fur 
ther  allegiance  to  the  German  Emperor  and  took  out 
his  first  papers,  a  formality  which  is  necessary  for 
American  citizenship.  He  received  this  valuable  docu 
ment  on  the  day  that  the  allotted  time  of  five  years 
was  at  an  end,  and  at  the  same  time  his  appointment 
as  American  Consul  for  Riga.  No  German- American 
professor  before  him  had  ever  had  such  a  "record," 
and,  like  so  many  small  men  by  nature,  he  accepted 


152    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

the  congratulations  of  his  acquaintances  and  colleagues 
with  a  proud  smile.  The  circumstances  of  this  sudden 
advancement  were  told  to  me  once  by  my  friend  Ed 
ward  Leygh,  the  editor-in-chief  of  the  Deutschen  Cor- 
respondenten  in  Baltimore,  in  his  original  way : 

"There  came  one  day  a  little  Jew  professor,  suffer 
ing  from  'big  head'  to  me  in  my  office,  and  said: 
'Herr  Leygh,  I  know  how  highly  you  are  appreciated 
by  the  administration  in  Washington  and  what  an 
influence  you  exercise.  Lately  I  have  been  making  a 
study  of  the  Slav  language  and  would  like,  in  order 
to  perfect  myself  in  it,  to  have  the  position  of  Amer 
ican  consul  in  Riga,  which  post  has  become  open.  I 
am  sure  of  getting  the  appointment  if  you  will  very 
strongly  recommend  me  for  it.'  I  laughed,"  so  con 
tinued  Edward  Leygh,  "and  gave  him  a  letter  of 
recommendation  in  which  I  explained  that,  according 
to  my  opinion,  no  American  dog  would  quarrel  over 
this  meagre  bone,  and  that  therefore  it  would  be  as 
well  to  give  it  to  the  bearer,  a  poorly  paid  professor 
in  Johns  Hopkins  University,  and  thereby  stop  his 
insistence.  I  have  never  in  my  whole  life  seen  such 
a  puzzled  expression  as  came  over  the  professor's  face 
when  he  read  my  letter.  'What!'  he  asked  me,  'you 
mean  me  to  hand  in  this  recommendation  ?'  'Yes,  you 
must  give  that  letter,'  I  replied,  'and  I  will  be  respon 
sible  for  the  result.'  The  professor  sent  the  letter  to 
its  address  and — received  the  consulate,  which  is  the 
poorest  paid  of  any  American  consular  service.  A  few 
weeks  later  business  took  me  to  the  State  Depart 
ment  in  Washington,  and  nearly  all  the  officials,  high 
as  well  as  low,  left  their  rooms  when  they  heard  of 
my  presence,  in  order  to  see  me  and  shake  hands. 
'Are  you  the  man  who  wrote  the  letter  for  Professor 
Schoenfeld?'  They  crowded  around  me,  and  always 


THE  TRIBE  OF  HERR  PROFESSOR      153 

with  the  remark,  'Glad  to  make  your  acquaintance, 
Mr.  Leygh!'" 

From  Riga  Professor  Schoenfeld  returned  to  Wash 
ington,  and  there  found  a  position  at  the  Columbian 
University.  As  he  was  not  in  good  circumstances 
financially,  he  was  forced  to  make  money  outside, 
and  his  spirit  of  adventure  led  him  to  the  idea  of 
offering  his  services  to  foreign  diplomats  in  the  capi 
tal.  He  had  an  opportunity  of  meeting  the  Spanish 
Ambassador,  Depuy  de  Lome,  who  at  that  critical 
period  occupied  an  extremely  difficult  position  in 
Washington  and  who  could  not  exercise  too  much 
care  in  the  choice  of  his  agents.  Schoenfeld,  who 
boasted  to  Dritten  that  he  was  in  de  Lome's  confi 
dence  to  a  certain  extent,  was  sent  by  him  (Dritten) 
on  a  special  mission  to  Cuba,  whence  he  sent  accounts 
of  the  conditions  there  to  certain  papers  in  the  Ger 
man  Empire.  After  the  Spanish  Ambassador  was 
obliged  to  leave  Washington,  Professor  Schoenfeld  be 
came  conscious  of  the  fact  that  he  had  once  been  a 
subject  of  the  Emperor.  He  sought  with  much  eager 
ness  the  goodwill  of  Herr  von  Sternburg,  who  was 
conducting  the  Embassy  in  the  absence  of  Herr  von 
Holleben,  and  who  did  not  hesitate  to  make  use  of 
the  historical  knowledge,  as  well  as  the  versatile  pen, 
of  Professor  Schoenfeld.  I  became  acquainted  with 
Professor  Schoenfeld  through  a  mutual  friend.  He 
was  able  to  tell  me  all  kinds  of  interesting  things  about 
the  social  and  political  life  in  Washington,  and  soon 
had  won  my  confidence  to  such  an  extent  that  I 
heartily  recommended  him  to  the  Ambassador  as  a 
very  useful  tool. 

"We  might  consider  it,"  was  the  answer  I  received, 
"if  the  professor  lived  in  a  better  situation."  The 
professor,  who  was  a  constant  visitor  at  my  house, 


154    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

was  never  weary  of  the  plan  of  founding  a  great 
monthly  review  in  the  English  language,  which  would 
be  a  gathering  place  for  all  the  friends  of  the  Ger 
man  Empire  in  America,  and  would  insure  for  the 
Ambassador  always  support  in  the  public  opinion  of 
the  United  States.  I  was  sympathetic  with  his  plan 
and  persuaded  Herr  von  Holleben,  in  the  end,  to  write 
in  its  favour  to  Berlin. 

"But,"  he  added,  "the  first  number  must  be  a  com 
plete  copy  in  manuscript  so  that  I  can  add  my  report 
to  it  and  in  this  way  bring  about  an  arrangement  with 
the  Foreign  Office  in  Berlin.  When  I  was  an  envoy 
to  Japan,  I  once  sent  the  first  copy  of  a  new  Japanese 
monthly  in  manuscript  to  Berlin,  and  had  good  re 
sults." 

Professor  Schoenfeld  set  about  his  task  with  energy, 
was  able  to  secure,  by  all  sorts  of  means,  information 
from  the  French  Embassy,  and  in  a  short  time  pre 
sented  the  manuscript  for  the  first  copy  of  the  monthly 
review  to  the  Ambassador,  which  he  promptly  sent  to 
Berlin,  where,  however,  for  one  reason  or  another, 
it  remained.  In  any  case,  the  professor  had  proved 
his  worth  to  the  German  Ambassador  by  a  practical 
demonstration.  In  the  meantime  he  had  found  a 
means  of  making  himself  indispensable  to  the  Turkish 
Ambassador,  Ali  Perrouh  Bey,  who  found  himself, 
like  nearly  all  the  Turkish  diplomats,  in  constant 
money  difficulties  and  was  therefore  easily  open  to 
proposals  which  would  relieve  his  position. 

The  Zion  movement,  which  had  been  started  in 
Vienna  by  Dr.  Karl  Herzl  and  in  Paris  by  Max  Nor- 
dau,  had  also  started  roots  among  the  strong  Jewish 
element  in  America,  and  what  could  be  better  than 
to  take  this  as  a  shelter  to  help  out  in  the  ebb  of  the 
Turkish  diplomat's  finances!  A  communique  in  re- 


THE  TRIBE  OF  HERR  PROFESSOR      155 

markable  style  appeared  in  the  great  American  news 
papers,  to  the  effect  that  in  case  the  American  Zionists 
should  entertain  the  idea  of  organising  as  a  political 
party,  and  should  seek  to  possess  Palestine  by  employ 
ing  other  means  than  those  allowed  by  the  Sultan, 
they  would  prepare  for  themselves  the  same  fate  that 
had  been  shown  the  Armenians.  Professor  Schoenfeld 
made  himself  known  to  me  as  the  author  of  the  ar 
ticle,  which  was  characterised  by  the  entire  Jewish 
press  of  the  country  as  a  shameless  attempt  at  oppres 
sion.  In  a  short  time  Herr  Schoenfeld  was  rewarded 
for  his  activities  in  the  interests  of  the  Lord  of  all 
believers  and  his  representative,  by  being  named  con 
sul  general  for  the  Ottoman  Empire,  in  the  American 
capital.  He  received  the  exequatur,  counted  himself 
one  of  the  diplomatic  corps,  and  believed  the  day  not 
far  distant  when  the  confidence  of  the  Pasha  would 
call  him  to  a  higher  post  in  Constantinople. 

In  spite  of  his  high  position,  as  he  himself  called 
it,  the  consul  general  did  not  hesitate  to  entertain 
most  intimate  relations  with  the  personnel  in  the 
German  Embassy.  He  rented  a  house  opposite  that  of 
Simross,  the  secret  export  secretary,  who  was  not 
well  satisfied  with  the  situation  at  the  Embassy,  and 
won  his  entire  confidence.  Hardly  a  day  went  by 
when  they  did  not  exchange  a  friendly  visit. 

He  also  was  on  a  friendly  footing  with  the  govern 
ing  circle  in  Washington,  and  he  went  freely  in  and 
out  of  the  State  Department,  as  well  as  the  other  min 
istries.  The  na'ive  Americans  really  believed  that  Pro 
fessor  Schoenfeld  was  in  a  position,  in  a  roundabout 
way  through  Constantinople,  to  hold  the  restless  Moros 
on  the  Zulu  Islands  in  leash  and  transform  them  into 
loyal  subjects  of  the  United  States — for  they  were 
not  recognised  as  citizens  with  full  rights.  To  one 


156    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

member  of  the  English  embassy  he  taught  German, 
and  therefore  he  might  be  considered  as  one  of  the 
best-informed  men  in  the  capital. 

To  Professor  Schoenfeld,  as  already  stated,  I  di 
rected  my  steps.  He  received  me  with  open  arms: 
"Heartily  welcome,  my  dear  colleague !  How  are  you 
and  your  family  ?  And  your  affair  with  the  Ambassa 
dor?  I  hope  that  has  been  happily  settled." 

For  answer  I  drew  from  my  pocket  the  originals 
of  the  letters  which  Professor  Miinsterberg  had  ad 
dressed  to  me,  and  handed  them  to  him.  He  read  them 
carefully,  and  his  face  clouded. 

"But  that  surely  cries  to  Heaven!"  he  shouted. 
"Couldn't  they  have  given  Milnsterb erg's  post  to  me? 
The  man  draws  five  thousand  dollars  from  Harvard, 
and  as  much  more  from  Berlin.  For  that,  I  ivould 
have  done  it  myself!  Entrust  these  letters  to  me,  and 
I  will  go  with  them  to  the  Ambassador,  to  petition  him 
for  a  friendly  settlement  of  the  affair." 

I  entrusted  him  with  the  letters  and  we  arranged  for 
a  meeting  the  next  day  at  the  university. 

"I  have  very  bad  news  for  you,"  he  began  his  re 
marks.  "You  are  in  great  personal  danger.  You 
have  menaced  the  life  of  the  Ambassador,  and  Major 
Sylvester,  the  chief  of  police  here,  has  told  me  that 
he  will  arrest  you  without  further  warrant  and  that 
you  will  be  given  no  opportunity  of  making  a  state 
ment  to  the  press  if  you  do  not  leave  Washington 
to-day." 

I  laughed  in  his  face  and  left  him.  At  the  sugges 
tion  of  a  friend,  the  local  editor  of  the  Washington 
Post,  I  sought  Major  Sylvester  and  learned  from  him 
that  he  had  never  met  Professor  Schoenfeld  and  that 
he  was  guilty  of  an  unheard-of  misuse  of  the  name 
of  the  chief  of  the  Washington  police. 


THE  TRIBE  OF  HERR  PROFESSOR    157 

Later  I  learned  that  the  professor  had  had  very 
weighty  grounds  for  his  attitude  toward  me.  He 
was  further,  I  may  here  remark,  in  secret  an  enthu 
siastic  promoter  of  the  Young  Turk  party. 


CHAPTER  XVII 
IMPLORES  ROOSEVELT'S  PROTECTION 

Dark  days  in  New  York. — I  implore  Roosevelt's  protection. — 
A  federal  secret-service  agent  hunts  me  up. — The  black 
cabinet  in  New  York. — Judgment  of  American  official  cir 
cles  on  my  situation. — Unexplainable  attitude  of  the  Ambas 
sador. — Herr  von  Holleben  escorted  by  the  police. — The 
Franco-German  champagne  war. — The  Ambassador  tele 
graphs  that  German  "Rheingold"  was  used  for  the  christen 
ing  of  the  Meteor,  although  he  knew  that  French  cham 
pagne  was  used. — Remarkable  communications  from  the 
Ambassador  to  the  American  representative  of  the  German 
wine  company. — What  was  established  in  the  case  of  Moet 
et  Chandon  vs.  Sohnlein. 

AFTER  my  intermezzo  with  Professor  Schoenfeld,  I 
remained  several  days  in  Washington  and  then  went 
to  New  York  in  order  to  begin  once  more  my  fight 
for  existence.  Again  it  was  useless.  My  courage 
began  to  grow  lame,  my  strength  to  leave  me.  Christ 
mas  came,  and  I  was  separated  from  my  family  and 
I  did  not  believe  I  should  ever  see  them  again.  I 
lived  through  terrible  days  and  nights  full  of  anguish. 
Should  I  end  the  tragedy? 

In  a  dark  hour  I  wrote  to  President  Roosevelt  and 
asked  his  protection  against  the  persecution  to  which 
I  was  being  subjected  on  American  soil  by  the  Am 
bassador  and  his  army  of  secret  agents. 

Several  days  passed,  and  I  received  no  answer 
from  Washington.  The  moments  went  by  with  un 
endurable  slowness  and  my  uncertainty  about  my 
family's  fate  drove  me  to  distraction.  Was  it  not  my 

158 


IMPLORES  ROOSEVELT'S  PROTECTION     159 

most  sacred  duty,  for  the  sake  of  my  wife  and  chil 
dren,  to  leave  nothing  untried,  if  it  only  brought  re 
lief? 

I  remembered  the  lines  in  Professor  Mimsterberg's 
letter  in  which  he  advised  me  to  write  a  "frank  and 
honourable  letter  of  apology"  to  Ambassador  von 
Holleben  in  Washington  and  the  Secretary  of  State 
for  Foreign  Affairs  in  Berlin,  Freiherren  von  Rich- 
thofen,  as  then  my  future  would  be  a  hundred  times 
brighter  and  more  favourable. 

No,  I  dared  no  longer  hesitate,  if  I  did  not  want 
to  be  the  murderer  of  my  innocent  children.  I  sat 
down  and  wrote  the  two  required  letters  and  carried 
them  myself  to  the  post  office.  I  returned  at  once  to 
my  room  and  found — I  had  hardly  been  absent  three 
minutes — a  man  standing  before  my  door. 

"Are  you  Mr.  Witte?"  he  asked,  and  continued, 
after  I  had  assented,  "My  name  is  Peeke;  I  am  an 
officer  of  the  Federal  secret  service.  You  wrote  a 
letter  to  President  Roosevelt  in  Washington,  and  I 
have  been  commissioned  to  look  into  the  affair.  I  in 
tended  getting  here  this  morning,  but  was  unavoid 
ably  detained  and  not  able  to  come  to  you  sooner." 

It  was  too  much  for  my  nerves.  Surprise,  fright, 
excitement,  all  united,  and  I  should  have  fallen  in  a 
faint  if  the  man  had  not  caught  me  and  laid  me  on  the 
sofa. 

"What  is  the  matter?    Are  you  ill?"  he  asked. 

"Too  late!— Three  minutes  too  late!" 

"Why  too  late?  What  do  you  mean?  Get  hold  of 
yourself  and  let  me  know  everything.  It  smells  here 
as  if  something  were  burning.  What  is  it?" 

I  had  thrown  part  of  my  papers  in  the  stove  before 
going  to  the  post  office  and  the  fire  was  just  begin 
ning  to  catch. 


160    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

With  one  spring  he  reached  the  stove  and  took  out 
the  charring  mass. 

"You  should  not  do  a  thing  like  that,"  he  remarked. 
"The  papers  might  be  of  great  use  to  you.  And  now 
explain  to  me  what  all  this  means." 

Fully  five  minutes  passed  before  I  could  so  far 
collect  myself  that  I  was  able  to  talk  and  answer  his 
questions.  I  told  him  how  I  had  just  posted  letters 
that  would  nullify  my  letter  to  President  Roosevelt, 
that  I  felt  very  ill,  and  that  he  would  do  me  a  favour 
by  leaving  me  alone  with  my  thoughts. 

"But  I  can't  do  that.  That  would  be  contrary  to 
my  orders.  I  have  been  told  to  make  a  report  about 
yourself  and  your  complaint  and  must  obey  orders." 

I  pointed  to  the  collection  of  letters  and  papers 
which  I  had  thought  to  destroy. 

"It  is  all  the  same  to  me  now,"  I  replied.  "You 
see  that  I  wanted  to  destroy  the  things;  you  may 
take  them  with  you.  You  can  also  leave  them,  or,  so 
far  as  I  am  concerned,  throw  them  into  the  stove 
again.  It  will  be  all  the  same  in  the  end." 

The  Washington  secret  agent  packed  the  papers 
carefully  in  a  satchel  he  had  brought  with  him  and 
left,  with  the  words :  "You  will  hear  from  me 
again." 

And  I  heard  more  of  him. 

The  next  morning  the  letters  which  I  had  written 
to  von  Holleben  and  von  Richthofen  were  returned 
to  me  apparently  unopened.  I  say  apparently,  for 
the  damp  glue  on  the  inner  side  of  the  envelopes 
showed  me  that  they  had  been  tampered  with. 

"We  have  orders,"  Peeke  said  to  me,  "not  to  allow 
these  letters  to  go  to  their  addresses." 

The  great  machine  of  the  American  federal  secret 
service  had  been  set  in  motion  to  bring  about  the 


IMPLORES  ROOSEVELT'S  PROTECTION    161 

investigation  which  I  had  demanded  without  result  of 
the  German  chancellor  and  the  State  Secretary  for 
Foreign  Affairs  in  Berlin. 

After  several  days  I  was  advised  that  the  chief  of 
the  secret  service  had  examined  my  papers  and  had 
assured  me  of  his  special  sympathy.  The  American 
judgment  of  my  difficulties  was  expressed  in  the  words 
which  I  received  officially :  "You  have  a  very  strong 
case  against  the  German  government!" 

These  occurrences  took  place  before  the  first  an 
nouncement  of  Prince  Henry's  American  trip,  by 
which  was  added  to  the  generally  hazardous  situation 
a  new  element  of  danger  and  tension,  which  was  not 
without  influence  on  my  affairs. 

When  the  announcement  of  the  Prince's  visit  fol 
lowed,  Herr  von  Holleben  was  responsible  first  and 
last  for  the  result  of  the  trip,  and  also  answerable 
for  the  life  and  safety  of  the  prince,  and  it  was 
his  distinguished  and  exclusive  duty  to  remove  all 
means  of  friction  from  the  path,  which  in  any  way 
might  harm  the  result  and  the  mission  of  the  prince. 
Prince  Bismarck  once  said  that  diplomacy  should 
know  no  revenge,  and  above  all  things  to  make  sure 
that  faults  once  committed  should  never  be  repeated. 
As  a  former  pupil  of  the  first  imperial  chancellor, 
Herr  von  Holleben  should  have  made  a  useful  practice 
of  this  phrase.  He  did  not,  however — to  his  undoing. 
His  blue  blood  would  not  allow  of  his  making  a  con 
cession  to  a  simple  literary  man  (mann  der  feder). 
For  excuse  and  justification  he  could  always  show 
that  I  had  also  applied  to  Berlin  for  inquiry  and  that 
my  complaint  must  have  been  known  by  the  chan 
cellor,  as  well  as  by  the  Secretary  of  State.  Perhaps 
he  was  authorised  from  above  as  to  the  direction  of 
his  attitude  toward  me.  Even  the  intimate  connection 


162    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

between  Wolff's  Bureau  in  Berlin  and  the  Foreign 
Office,  the  friendly  relations  between  the  Ambassador 
in  Washington  and  Wolff's  representative  in  New 
York,  Paul  Haedicke,  must  be  taken  into  considera 
tion,  if  one  would  try  to  find  a  complete  explanation 
for  the  otherwise  wholly  inexplicable  behaviour  of 
the  Ambassador. 

Be  this  as  it  may,  whether  he  was  protected  by 
"higher  orders"  from  Berlin  or  not,  even  after  so 
many  years  I  must  confess  that  I  am  not  able  to  find 
a  satisfactory  reason  for  the  Ambassador's  attitude, 
and  still  less  for  that  of  the  chancellor  and  the  For 
eign  Office  in  Berlin.  How  could  one  entrust  to  a 
man  who  was  not  able  to  overlook  the  circumstance 
of  a  small  personal  intrigue  against  a  simple  journalist 
the  first  diplomatic  representation  of  the  Empire? 

Herr  von  Holleben  committed  under  the  circum 
stances  an  unpardonable  act  of  stupidity.  In  order 
to  crush  me  and  find  in  advance  an  excuse  in  the 
event  of  a  possible  fiasco  of  the  prince's  trip,  he  pub 
lished  in  the  Washington  local  press  an  article  which 
was  primarily  directed  toward  me.  I  received  on  the 
ist  of  February  a  copy  of  the  Washington  Post  of 
the  day  before,  in  which  the  following  paragraph  was 
marked  in  blue. 

GUARDED   BY   THE   POLICE 

German  Ambassador  recipient  of  letter  threatening  him  with 

violence 

A  special  detail  of  two  policemen  from  the  Second  precinct 
station  has  been  constantly  on  duty  at  the  German  Embassy, 
on  Massachusetts  Avenue  Northwest,  during  the  past  ten 
days  or  two  weeks,  and  will  be  continued  indefinitely.  The 
officers  are  furnished  with  wheels,  and  attend  Herr  von 
Holleben,  the  German  Ambassador,  whenever  he  leaves  his 
residence.  They  are  attired  in  plain  clothing,  and  attract 


IMPLORES  ROOSEVELT'S  PROTECTION    163 

but  little  attention,  as  they  endeavour  to  remain  only  within 
calling  distance  of  the  Ambassador. 

The  reason  for  the  extra  precaution  is  due  to  the  fact 
that  the  Ambassador  received  a  threatening  communication 
from  New  York  about  two  weeks  ago,  stating  that  he  was 
in  danger  of  personal  violence.  The  communication  was 
anonymous,  but  is  supposed  to  have  come  from  an  employe 
who  was  discharged  from  service  at  the  Embassy  several 
weeks  ago,  and  who  was  very  angry  at  having  lost  his  posi 
tion.  Little  importance  is  attached  to  the  communication, 
but  the  detail  is  maintained  as  a  precautionary  measure. 

The  wrapping  in  which  the  Post  was  sent  bore  my 
address  in  the  well-known  handwriting  of  the  chan 
cellor,  Hofrat  Kinne,  from  the  German  Embassy,  and 
the  awkward  style  of  the  notice  also  pointed  to  him 
as  the  composer. 

I  laughed  aloud,  as  did  all  social  Washington  when 
they  read  the  news.  The  picture  of  the  fat  little  Am 
bassador  flanked  right  and  left  by  policemen  on 
wheels  was  so  ridiculous  as  to  be  irresistible,  especially 
as  for  some  time  one  had  been  prepared  for  this 
transparent  manoeuvre  by  the  Ambassador  through 
private  information  from  Major  Sylvester. 

Even  more  farcical,  repulsive  and  repugnant  must 
have  appeared  to  all  official  Washington  the  inglorious 
role  played  by  the  Ambassador  at  the  christening  of 
the  Emperor's  yacht  Meteor  by  "Princess"  Alice 
Roosevelt  in  the  presence  of  her  father  and  Prince 
Henry,  and  the  ridiculous  "French-German  cham 
pagne  war"  which  was  attached  to  it.  The  launching 
of  the  yacht  took  place  on  the  23d  of  February,  1902, 
and  the  daughter  of  the  President  broke  a  bottle  of 
foaming  champagne  over  the  prow  of  the  vessel. 
Proudly  wrote  the  New  York  Staats-Zeitung,  in  its 
edition  of  February  26th: 

"In  a  German  vine  country  was  grown  the  vine  from 
which  the  juice  was  taken  that  flowed  over  the  bow  of  the 


164    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

Kaiser's  yacht  when  the  bottle  was  broken,  before  it  slipped 
into  its  destined  element." 

"Aber  nit!"  said  the  French  champagne  firm  of 
Moet  et  Chandon,  "the  noble  juice  was  drawn  from 
grapes  grown  on  French  soil."  And  they  brought 
proof  of  their  assertion.  How  was  this? 

The  best  statement  of  the  amusing  circumstance 
which  made  two  worlds  laugh  at  the  expense  of  his 
excellency,  the  imperial  Ambassador  in  Washington, 
is  found  in  the  Paris  edition  of  the  New  York  Herald, 
of  March  3ist.  It  was  copied  in  the  New  York  edi 
tion,  and  I  give  below  an  extract: 

"A  suit  for  damages  for  one  million  marks  was  brought 
by  Moet  et  Chandon  against  the  firm  of  Sohnlein  &  Company, 
which  involves  the  champagne  mark,  'Rheingold/  before  a 
Wiesbaden  court.  The  German  Emperor,  the  President  of 
the  United  States,  and  the  German  ambassador  von  Holleben, 
figure  in  the  controversy." 

Even  though  the  Herald  had  stated  that  at  the 
christening  of  the  'Meteor  French  champagne  was 
used,  yet  the  German  firm  did  not  give  credence  to  the 
report,  and  asked  by  cable  the  German  Ambassador 
for  his  statement.  The  Ambassador  cabled  in  return 
that  "Rheingold"  was  used.  Sohnlein  &  Company 
were  delighted  over  this  information  and  used  it  as 
the  basis  of  a  gigantic  advertisement  at  home  and 
abroad  for  their  brand.  Moet  et  Chandon,  however, 
would  not  agree  to  this.  They  saw  in  the  announce 
ment  that  "Rheingold"  had  been  used  an  attack  upon 
the  honour  of  their  house.  They  gave  the  facts  to 
their  New  York  agent  and  demanded  of  him  that 
he  should  solve  the  riddle  and  stated  that  money 
would  cut  no  figure.  Mr.  George  Kessler  took  the 
next  steamer  and  went  to  Paris,  whence,  after  con 
sultation  with  the  owners  of  the  firm,  he  sent  the 


IMPLORES  ROOSEVELT'S  PROTECTION     165 

following  cable  to  the  German  Ambassador  in  Wash 
ington  : 

"If  your  words  have  been  correctly  quoted,  then  your  ex 
cellency  must  have  been  misinformed,  as  Count  Quadt  knew 
very  well  that  Moet  et  Chandon  was  used.  The  president 
of  the  shipbuilding  firm,  Townsend,  Downey  &  Company, 
gave  you  the  positive  information,  as  his  firm  had  full  and 
absolute  control  of  the  arrangements  for  the  launching,  which 
took  place  at  their  expense.  In  order  to  make  good  the 
great  trouble  which  was  caused  by  the  newspaper  article, 
which  put  in  question  the  truthfulness  of  the  house  of  Moet 
et  Chandon,  I  beg  your  excellency  to  kindly  cable  an  accurate 
account  for  the  press  that  Moet  et  Chandon  was  used  at  the 
christening  of  the  Meteor. 

"It  is  of  the  utmost  importance  to  publish  the  truth  about 
this  occurrence,  as  the  Moet  et  Chandon  Company,  as  well 
as  myself,  have  been  morally  and  financially  deeply  injured 
by  this  false  report. 

"Should  you  not  be  disposed  to  accede  to  our  wishes,  we 
shall  feel  ourselves  obliged  to  present  the  case  to  the  State 
Department  at  Washington  and  the  government  in  Berlin. 

''GEORGE  A.  KESSLER." 


The  champagne  firm,  wounded  in  its  honour,  kept 
its  word.  How  the  German  firm  felt  over  the  affair 
may  be  seen  in  the  following  extract  from  the  New 
York  Staats-Zeitung  of  April  3d : 

"QUARREL  OVER  THE  CHRISTENING  WINE 

"Milwaukee,  Wis.,  April  2,  1902. 

"The  much  mooted  question  as  to  whether  the  Kaiser's 
yacht  Meteor  was  christened  with  German  champagne, 
'Rheingold/  or  champagne  made  by  the  French  firm  of  Moet 
et  Chandon,  continues  with  increasing  zest.  It  is  discussed 
in  Berlin  and  Paris  with  the  same  warmth  as  in  New  York 
and  Milwaukee.  The  general  agent  here  for  the  German 
'Rheingold/  when  the  French  firm  first  made  the  assertion 
that  it  was  not  'Rheingold/  but  their  brand,  which  had  been 
used  at  the  christening  of  the  yacht,  at  once  telegraphed  the 
question  to  Ambassador  von  Holleben.  The  answer  came 
promptly  that  the  yacht  was  christened  with  'Rheingold.'  But 
the  French  firm  repeated  its  assertion,  whereupon  the  gen- 


166    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

eral  agent  of  'Rheingold'  for  the  second  time  turned  to 
Herr  von  Holleben,  from  whom  now  came  the  following 
letter : 

"  'Washington,  March  29,  1902. 
"  'Herren  Jacob  Best  &  Co., 

Milwaukee,  Wis. : 

'  'Your  kind  letter  of  the  26th  of  this  month  crossed  mine 
of  the  same  date.  Since  it  has  been  established  that  in  fact 
"Rheingold"  was  not  used  at  the  christening,  I  shall  no 
longer  hesitate  to  explain  that  on  the  25th  of  February,  in 
the  morning,  as  I  was  on  my  way  to  the  launching,  I  was  told 
that  the  firm  of  Townsend  &  Downey  intended  using  another 
wine  at  the  christening.  I  thereupon  emphatically  stated  that 
this  would  be  out  of  place,  since  the  "Rheingold"  already 
delivered  had  been  accepted.  At  the  launching,  I  was  of  the 
opinion  that  my  request  that  "Rheingold"  should  be  used 
had  been  heeded,  as  I  saw  the  case  which  had  been  sent 
from  Milwaukee  on  the  dock,  and  called  Herr  von  Schleinitz' 
attention  to  it.  That  the  firm  of  Townsend  &  Downey  even 
had  the  idea  of  using  another  wine  I  was  unable  to  disclose, 
as  by  doing  so  before  they  themselves  had  spoken  I  should 
have  made  them  suspected;  and  besides,  as  already  shown, 
I  believed  that  they  really  had  used  "Rheingold."  Now,  as 
it  has  been  proved,  it  is  another  question,  and  the  firm  of 
Townsend  &  Downey  alone  is  to  blame  for  this  action,  con 
trary  to  agreement.  As  concerns  the  box,  I  called  Miss 
Roosevelt's  attention  to  the  fact  that  it,  as  well  as  the  ham 
per  and  the  bottle,  belonged  to  her.  What  became  of  it  I 
have  not  learned  further. 

"  The  Imperial  Ambassador, 

"  'VoN  HOLLEBEN.'  " 


It  is  questionable  if  in  the  annals  of  modern  di 
plomacy  there  is  to  be  found  another  such  document 
as  this  letter. 

The  matter  ended  in  Germany  as  in  America  with 
the  victory  of  the  French  firm. 

Herr  von  Holleben  appeared  later  as  a  witness  in 
Wiesbaden  and  stated  before  a  judge  that  Moet  et 
Chandon  had  been  used,  although  he  had  cabled,  at 
the  inquiry  of  the  firm  of  Sohnlein  &  Company  that 
Rheingold  was  used. 


IMPLORES  ROOSEVELT'S  PROTECTION     167 

During  the  hearing  it  was  established  as  a  fact 
that  Herr  von  Holleben  had  received  a  present  of 
Rheingold  champagne,  under  the  stipulation  that  he 
would  puff  it  up. 

Herr  von  Holleben,  since  his  retirement  from  di 
plomacy,  has  been  appointed  a  life  member  of  the 
Prussian  Herrenhaus  in  recognition  of  his  services 
to  the  fatherland. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

DEEPER    COMPLICATIONS 

Further  development  of  my  affairs. — Ambiguous  role  of 
Peeke,  federal  secret-service  agent,  who  later  was  sen 
tenced  to  five  years  in  the  penitentiary. — In  vain  I  demand 
the  return  of  my  papers. — Secretary  of  State  John  Hay 
"knows  nothing." — Interchange  of  despatches  between 
Prince  Henry  and  President  Roosevelt,  and  what  hap 
pened  in  the  same  afternoon. — I  pay  a  nocturnal  visit  to 
the  office  of  the  New  York  Herald. — The  morning  of 
March  12. — Herr  von  Holleben's  declaration  regarding  the 
incident. — Complaints  of  the  Embassy  employes  against 
Herr  von  Holleben. — About  a  hundred  reporters  visit  me 
at  my  residence. — Engineer  Buck  publishes  details  of  Ger 
man  preparedness  for  war  against  America. — Who  was 
responsible  for  the  incident? — Roosevelt,  in  the  judgment 
of  his  contemporaries,  and  in  the  light  of  his  own  works. 

How  things  developed  later  I  am  only  able  to  tell  by 
what  I  know  of  the  facts.  Even  to-day  I  am  not  able 
to  recognise  all  the  fine  threads  which  were  spun  in 
order  to  drive  Germany  and  America  into  a  war, 
whose  first  offering  I  was  destined  to  be. 

First  of  all  I  shall  make  clear  that  Peeke,  as  time 
showed,  was  entirely  undependable  and  only  had  con 
sideration  for  his  personal  interest.  Since  he,  during 
the  lifetime  of  McKinley,  had  been  entrusted  with 
the  personal  safety  of  the  President,  he  received  the 
highest  confidence  and  was  utilised  preferably  for 
commissions  which  demanded  unqualified  trust  and 
the  greatest  discretion. 

Whether  Peeke  had  betrayed  his  official  confidence 

168 


DEEPER  COMPLICATIONS  169 

and  sold  knowledge  coming  to  him  to  an  interested 
third  party,  I  do  not  venture  to  assert;  but  I  am  in 
clined  to  believe  it,  since  the  agent  was  afterward 
condemned  to  five  years  in  the  penitentiary  for  par 
ticipation  in  extensive  naturalisation  frauds. 

This  much  is  certain;  that  it  was  an  affair  of  state 
which  was  carried  out  with  a  master  hand  and  with 
unlimited  ability — by  a  man  who  did  not  shrink  from 
watching  during  times  of  peace  the  private  correspond 
ence  of  the  Ambassador  of  a  friendly  power  and  steal 
ing  letters  directed  to  him.  The  personality  of  secret- 
service  agent  Peeke,  as  well  as  occasional  utterances 
which  he  let  fall,  inspired  in  me  aversion  and  mistrust 
against  him  and  the  role  which  he  played.  My  sus 
picions  grew  stronger  and  I  demanded,  about  the 
middle  of  February,  in  a  letter  directed  to  the  chief 
of  the  federal  secret  service,  John  E.  Wilkie,  the  im 
mediate  return  of  my  papers.  The  New  York  agent 
of  the  secret  service,  Captain  Flynn,  informed  me  by 
letter  that  the  papers,  for  the  time,  were  in  "other 
hands."  Again  I  demanded  the  papers,  but  again 
without  success.  This  time  the  story  was  that  Secre 
tary  of  State  John  Hay  had  the  papers  and  that  it 
was  not  permissible  to  demand  them  from  him  until 
he  was  through  with  their  examination.  In  reply  to 
a  letter  written  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  containing  a 
pressing  appeal  for  the  immediate  restoration  of  the 
papers,  came  an  answer  signed  by  Mr.  Hay's  private 
secretary  saying  that  the  papers  were  not  in  the  pos 
session  of  the  State  Department  and  that  nobody  knew 
where  they  were. 

Now  IF  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE  DID  NOT  KNOW 
ANYTHING  OF  THE  PAPERS,  IN  WHOSE  HANDS  WERE 
THEY? 

I  went  with  this  letter  to  Captain  Flynn,  who  ap- 


170    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

peared  very  much  surprised,  telegraphed  immediately 
to  Washington,  and  in  the  afternoon  sent  Agent  Peeke 
to  me  with  the  request  not  to  write  again  to  Hay.  I 
have  every  ground  for  the  assumption  that  Peeke  had 
stolen  a  second  letter  which  I  had  addressed  to  John 
Hay  on  the  same  affair.  In  any  event,  I  am  convinced 
that  Mr.  Hay,  whom  they  later  tried  to  saddle  with 
responsibility  for  the  incident,  was  blameless.  Amer 
ican  federal  secret-service  agents  have  singular 
powers,  they  "know'7  very  much,  and  presume  many 
things  in  reliance  upon  this  knowledge. 

Prince  Henry's  visit  was  approaching  its  close  and 
it  was  necessary  to  see  that  the  most  effective  depar 
ture,  with  calcium  lights  and  all  the  other  appur 
tenances  necessary  should  be  supplied.  There  should 
be  a  'finale  that  would  not  be  forgotten  in  Berlin  for  a 
long  time.  Since  I  did  not  cease  demanding  the  return 
of  my  papers,  Captain  Flynn  entreated  me  to  have 
patience.  When  the  prince  should  arrive  in  New 
York,  he  said,  to  board  ship  for  Germany,  something 
would  "happen."  Whereupon  my  papers  would  be 
given  back  to  me. 

From  this  remark  of  the  chief  of  the  New  York 
federal  secret  service  bureau,  it  may  be  concluded 
that  the  wire-pullers  behind  the  incident  of  March 
1 2th  intended  to  set  the  stage  on  American  soil  dur 
ing  the  presence  of  the  prince.  Apropos  of  this  is 
an  announcement  according  to  which  there  was  knowl 
edge  of  the  approaching  scandal  in  Washington  and 
New  York  eight  days  before.  A  German  banker  from 
the  Metropolis  on  the  Hudson — presumably  James 
Speyer,  who  later  donated  the  means  for  establish 
ing  a  Roosevelt  professorship  in  Berlin — is  said  to 
have  visited  the  President  at  the  White  House  to 
bring  about  a  postponement  of  the  final  act  in  the 


DEEPER  COMPLICATIONS  171 

historic  drama  of  the  prince's  visit.  A  witness  who 
is  surely  unprejudiced  in  this  case,  the  correspondent 
of  the  Manchester  Guardian,  telegraphed  to  his  paper 
that  he  had  received  confidential  knowledge  of  the 
Holleben  affair  a  week  in  advance.  He  reported  that 
the  proofs  of  von  Holleben's  guilt  were  laid  before 
Roosevelt  and  Hay,  who  had  determined  to  hush  up 
the  affair  until  after  Prince  Henry's  departure.  Von 
Holleben  says  (so  continues  the  report)  that  he  had 
written  articles  for  a  press  bureau,  but  that  the  good 
ones  had  been  composed  by  him  and  the  bad  ones 
by  a  paid  agent.  Roosevelt  (the  report  runs  on) 
laughed  derisively  at  this  statement.  In  any  event 
the  press  had  made  the  most  of  the  entire  affair  and 
although  it  is  almost  unbelievable  that  a  diplomat  of 
von  Holleben's  experience  could  have  made  such  a 
mistake,  the  report  came  from  clear-thinking  persons, 
who  were  entirely  convinced  that  they  were  not  mis 
taken. 

Wholly  and  alone  through  fear  of  the  German- 
American  population  of  the  country,  which  would 
have  revenged  at  the  polls  an  insult  directed  at  a 
brother  of  the  German  Kaiser  by  the  powers  that 
be  in  Washington,  it  was  decided,  although  with  re 
luctance,  not  to  explode  the  carefully  prepared  mine 
while  the  prince  still  lingered  on  American  soil. 
Hardly,  however,  had  he  turned  his  back  on  New 
York  when  the  uproar  broke  loose.  On  the  morning 
of  March  nth,  Prince  Henry  left  the  American  shore, 
after  having  exchanged  the  following  telegrams  with 
the  President: 

"Hoboken,  N.  J.,  March  n,  1902. 
"To  the  President  of  the  United  States : 

"On  the  day  of  my  departure,  I  take  pleasure  in  thanking 
you  personally,  as  well  as  the  nation  whose  guest  I  have 
been,  for  all  the  kindness  and  tokens  of  sincere  and  cordial 


172    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

sentiment  which  have  been  shown  me  during  my  visit  to 
your  interesting  country.  I  hope  that  my  visit  may  cement 
the  feeling  of  friendship  between  the  land  I  represent  and 
the  United  States. 

"In  bidding  you  farewell,  allow  me  to  wish  you  every 
possible  success,  and  please  remember  me  to  Mrs.  Roosevelt 
and  Miss  Roosevelt,  who  in  such  a  charming  manner,  and 
with  so  much  dexterity,  fulfilled  her  task  at  the  launching  of 
His  Majesty's  yacht  Meteor.  Again,  my  hearty  thanks. 
May  we  meet  again. 

"HENRY,  PRINCE  OF  PRUSSIA." 

"White  House,  Washington. 

"March  n,  1902. 
"Henry,  Prince  of  Prussia, 

"Steamer  Deutschland, 

"Hamburg  Dock,  Hoboken,  N.  J. : 

"Not  only  have  I  personally  enjoyed  your  visit,  but  also 
I  wish,  in  the  name  of  my  compatriots,  to  express  the  pleas 
ure  it  has  given  us  to  see  you,  and  to  actually  perceive  the 
good  your  visit  has  accomplished  in  promoting  the  feeling 
of  friendship  between  Germany  and  the  United  States.  It 
is  my  most  earnest  wish  that  this  feeling  may  ever  grow. 

"Mrs.  Roosevelt  sends  her  hearty  greetings,  as  would  also 
Miss  Roosevelt  if  she  were  not  absent. 

"Please  express  my  best  regards  to  His  Majesty,  the  Ger 
man  Emperor. 

"Again  thanking  you  for  your  good  visit,  and  wishing  you 
every  good  fortune,  wherever  you  may  be, 

"THEODORE  ROOSEVELT." 

How  sincere  those  words  sounded!  How  genu 
inely  and  highly  must  these  two  men  have  appre 
ciated  one  another  in  order  to  send  such  telegrams! 
But  even  on  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day  there 
reigned  in  Washington  the  wildest  excitement,  which 
reminded  one  of  the  day  before  the  beginning  of  the 
Spanish-American  war,  and  the  announcement  was 
given  out  that  the  German  Ambassador  had  received 
his  passports  with  the  request  to  leave  the  United 
States  within  forty-eight  hours ! ! ! 

The  1 2th  of  March,  1902,  came,  and  brought  me 


DEEPER  COMPLICATIONS  173 

the  visit  from  Mr.  Egan  of  which  I  spoke  at  the 
beginning  of  this  book. 

Man  had  deserted  me,  but  God  had  heard  my 
prayer  and  that  of  my  children,  and  he  humbled  my 
arrogant  enemy  in  the  hour  of,  apparently,  his  great 
est  triumph,  even  into  the  dust. 

It  may,  perhaps,  seem  unchristian  when  I  say  it; 
but  the  satisfaction  which  I  experienced  in  that  mo 
ment,  when  Mr.  Egan  handed  me  the  copy  of  the 
extra  edition  of  the  New  York  World  containing  the 
ominous  announcement,  dissipated  a  great  part  of  my 
unhappiness. 

As  you  remember,  I  explained  to  Mr.  Egan  that 
for  the  present  I  was  unable  to  make  any  expression 
concerning  the  announcement,  and  that  I  should  re 
quest  Dr.  Mantler,  the  general  director  of  Wolff's 
Bureau,  with  whom  he  had  spoken  before  he  came  to 
me,  to  visit  me  at  once  in  my  apartments. 

Though  under  the  circumstances  it  was  his  first  and 
foremost  duty,  even  without  being  told,  to  seek  an 
interview  with  me,  the  director  of  the  semi-official 
German  News  Bureau  did  not  put  in  an  appearance. 
His  attitude  at  that  notable  time  was  more  than  am 
biguous. 

Herr  von  Holleben  and  his  advisers  handled  the 
affair  in  a  thoroughly  senseless  passion  and  showed 
themselves  in  no  wise  equal  to  the  occasion,  as  the 
many  contradictory  newspaper  announcements  clearly 
showed.  In  one  paper  it  was  stated  that  Herr  von 
Holleben  had  already  sailed  with  the  prince  for  Ger 
many;  in  another  that  he  had  gone  to  New  York  in 
a  special  train  to  consult  with  Dr.  Bunz  and  others  of 
the  secret  service,  and  a  third  one  read  that  he  had 
suddenly  been  taken  very  ill  and  had  gone  to  the  sea 
shore  to  recuperate. 


174    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

I  had  made  up  my  mind  to  keep  silence  and  speak 
only  after  the  Ambassador  had  spoken.  With  feverish 
pulses,  I  had  gone  to  my  rest  that  evening  but  not 
to  sleep.  Suddenly  the  bell  began  to  ring  insistently. 
I  opened  the  door  to  a  reporter  for  the  New  York 
Herald,  who  wished  most  earnestly  to  speak  to  me. 
There  had  arrived  from  Washington  at  the  Herald 
office,  so  he  told  me,  a  telegram  of  eighteen  hundred 
words,  and  he  had  been  given  the  order,  so  he  laugh 
ingly  said,  to  fetch  me  alive  or  dead.  I  replied  that 
I  was  unable  to  express  my  views  on  the  affair,  but 
finally  allowed  myself  to  be  persuaded  to  accompany 
him  and  look  into  the  telegram. 

In  the  publisher's  sanctum  of  the  Herald,  I  found 
its  leading  spirits  assembled  around  a  table.  They 
looked  at  me  with  gleaming  eyes,  as  if  expecting  great 
things  of  me,  and  pressed  me  to  break  my  silence. 
From  a  telegram  which  they  had  received,  they  had 
been  led  to  believe,  so  they  said,  that  I  would  be  able 
to  disclose  an  intrigue  between  the  Democratic  can 
didate,  William  Jennings  Bryan,  and  the  German 
Ambassador,  Herr  von  Holleben,  which  latter  had 
promised  the  former  the  support  of  the  German-Amer 
ican  voters  in  case  the  former,  in  event  of  his  election, 
would  guarantee  to  the  German  Empire  the  possession 
of  a  coaling  station  in  the  West  Indies.  If  I  so  under 
stood  the  case,  I  had  only  to  acknowledge  it,  and  they 
would  take  care  of  the  rest. 

At  that  moment  the  cloven  hoof  of  the  Washington 
republican  Urian  came  to  light.  The  Herald  atmos 
phere  suddenly  appeared  to  me  to  smell  of  sulphur, 
and  I  replied  that  I  was  not  in  a  position  to  give  them 
the  answer  they  were  apparently  expecting.  I  saw 
long  faces.  They  had  not  expected  this,  and  their 
hopes  of  a  Herald  sensation  had  come  to  naught. 


DEEPER  COMPLICATIONS  175 

After  they  had  assured  me  that  they  would  observe 
absolute  silence,  I  gave  the  assembled  editors  some 
facts  about  my  conflict  with  Herr  von  Holleben.  Their 
promise,  however,  was  not  kept,  and  my  confidences 
appeared  in  the  next  edition  of  the  Herald  in  a  malev 
olent,  changed  and  disfigured  form.  Why  had  I  not 
given  the  New  York  Herald  the  expected  "Bryan  sen 
sation"  ? 

The  next  morning  at  six  o'clock  my  bell  again  rang 
and  from  that  time  on  was  not  quiet  the  rest  of  the 
day.  My  first  visitor  was  a  young  reporter  for  the 
New  York  Evening  Journal,  that  yellowest  of  all  yel 
low  afternoon  papers  of  America,  belonging  to  Wil 
liam  Randolph  Hearst.  He  went  straight  to  his  pur 
pose  in  a  business-like  manner. 

"Ambassador  von  Holleben  says,"  he  began,  and 
handed  me  a  newspaper,  "that  you  have  accused  him 
of  embezzling  fifteen  thousand  dollars.  What  can 
you  tell  me  about  it?"  He  brought  out  a  notebook 
and  waited  with  itching  pencil  for  my  answer. 

I  could  not  believe  my  ears.  Yes,  there  truly  could 
be  seen  in  black  and  white  what  his  excellency  had 
to  say  about  an  international  occurrence  that  had 
come  like  lightning  from  heaven;  that,  namely,  the 
whole  affair  was  an  act  of  revenge  of  a  former  em 
ploye  who  had  accused  him  of  embezzling  fifteen 
thousand  dollars. 

The  diplomat,  von  Holleben,  in  this  explanation, 
had  overstepped  himself  1 

The  accusation,  of  which  no  one  in  America  knew 
anything,  and  of  whose  existence  the  public  had  its 
first  news  from  his  own  lips,  had  not  come  from  me, 
but  from  some  of  the  officials  of  the  Embassy  who 
had  been  ruined  by  him  and  who  charged  him,  to 
gether  with  a  diplomat  since  murdered,  of  taking  a 


176    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

fee  of  fifteen  thousand  dollars  at  the  purchase  of  the 
embassy  building,  1435  Massachusetts  Avenue.* 

Great  as  was  my  temptation  f  to  enlighten  the  re 
porter  on  this  subject,  as  he  waited  in  tense  anticipa 
tion  for  my  reply,  I  overcame  it;  but  gave  him,  how 
ever,  other  information  which  entirely  satisfied  him. 
On  leaving,  he  cordially  shook  my  hand.  "You  have 
given  me  a  'scoop'  over  all  the  other  papers,"  he  said, 
"and  I  shall  see  to  it  that  our  paper  does  you  justice. 
Good-bye." 

He  kept  his  word. 

He  had  hardly  left  me  when  the  bell  rang  again. 
A  reporter  and  a  photographer  from  the  New  York 
Evening  World,  Herr  Joseph  Pulitzer's  yellow  after 
noon  sheet,  which  was  competing  successfully  with 
the  New  York  Evening  Journal  for  the  palm  in  sensa 
tionalism,  stood  before  me.  The  reporter  could  not 
complain  that  I  had  let  his  colleague  get  ahead  of 
him.  The  photographer  got  several  pictures  of  me  and 
the  members  of  my  family.  Almost  a  hundred  report 
ers  and  photographers  were  admitted  to  my  apart- 

*  In  addition,  other  serious  charges  are  raised  against  the 
Ambassador  of  the  Embassy  staff.  When  a  rich  German 
had  died  in  New  Orleans,  without  direct  descendants,  so  the 
story  goes,  he  entrusted  an  American  politician  with  the 
execution  of  the  estate,  against  the  demands  of  the  German 
consul  at  New  Orleans,  and  thereby  had  injured  the  heirs 
living  in  Germany  to  the  extent  of  several  hundred  thousand 
marks,  for  which  the  government  was  liable.  The  inception 
of  a  disciplinary  investigation  is  still  to  come. 

f  Since  the  Embassy  building  purchased  by  Herr  von  Hol- 
leben  was  wholly  unsuited  for  its  purposes,  the  successor  to 
the  ambassador,  Herr  von  Sternburg,  received  the  commis 
sion  to  secure  damages  and  to  help  the  German  government 
toward  an  establishment  more  worthy  of  itself.  If  I  remem 
ber  rightly,  the  purchase  of  the  old  Embassy  building  took 
place  in  1897.  That  was  rather  a  costly  joke  for  the  tax 
payers  of  the  German  Empire. 


DEEPER  COMPLICATIONS  177 

ments  in  those  days.  Since  his  excellency  von  Holle- 
ben  had  first  broken  the  silence,  no  obligation  was  laid 
upon  me  to  further  continue  my  reserve,  and  I  com 
municated  to  my  visitors  what  seemed  best  to  me  of 
my  experience  and  adversities. 

Among  my  visitors  was  also  the  New  York  Herald 
man  who  had  gotten  me  out  of  bed  in  the  night  and 
persuaded  me  to  go  with  him  to  the  publishing  office. 
To  my  question  as  to  how  it  happened  that  Mr.  Ben 
nett's  paper  had  published  an  account  of  my  visit  to 
the  office,  after  promising  that  it  would  not  be  done, 
he  replied,  not  without  embarrassment,  that  it  was  not 
he  but  one  of  the  editors  of  the  Herald  who  had  given 
the  promise  and  broken  it.  I  curtly  refused  to  give 
him  any  information.  The  reporters  present  witnessed 
the  scene  with  interest  and  remarked,  when  their  col 
league  had  withdrawn,  "That  is  the  way  the  Herald 
always  does," 

As  it  was  known  that  my  papers  were  still  in  Wash 
ington  and  that  they  were  known  to  have  given  a 
start  to  the  incident,  there  existed  among  the  New 
York  papers  a  struggle  for  the  possession  of  my 
records.  The  editors  of  the  New  York  Staats-Zeitung 
were  particularly  anxious  to  get  hold  of  Professor 
Miinsterberg's  letters  addressed  to  me.  Repeatedly 
their  representatives  spoke  to  me  and  made  me  en 
ticing  offers.  "The  letters  are  at  the  disposition  of 
your  paper,"  I  replied,  "if  on  their  account  you  will 
demand  an  investigation  of  the  affair.  But  I  shall 
not  be  a  party  to  any  muck-raking."  Nothing  came 
of  it. 

The  incident  occasioned  another  by-play  in  the  press 
which  is  worth  noting.  On  the  I5th  of  March,  the 
New  York  American  published  a  letter  from  S.  M. 
Buck,  who  had  formerly  lived  in  Berlin,  and  had 


i;8  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

there  heard  from  the  mouths  of  high  officials  sur 
rounding  the  Emperor  that  the  Ambassador  von  Hol- 
leben  and  Professor  Miinsterberg  had  instituted  a 
far-reaching  spy  system  in  the  United  States.  Pro 
fessor  Miinsterberg  had  been  sent  to  America  by  the 
direct  request  of  the  Emperor  to  blind  public  opinion 
to  the  true  policy  of  Germany  toward  the  United 
States,  and  the  trip  of  Prince  Henry  had  been  spoken 
of  in  official  circles  two  years  before  it  took  place. 
In  case  of  a  war,  so  Mr.  Buck  expressed  himself,  the 
German  fleet  would  immediately  possess  itself  of  the 
harbours  of  Boston  and  New  York.  He  named  as 
witnesses  Count  Serenyi  and  consul  for  the  admiralty, 
Langer.  The  New  York  Staats-Zeitung  thereupon 
published  a  long  cable  story  from  their  Berlin  corre 
spondent,  C.  A.  Bratter,  as  to  an  interview  with  Count 
Serenyi,  in  which  the  latter  absolutely  denied  the 
words  which  had  been  put  in  his  mouth.  Herr  Brat 
ter,  who  at  the  present  time  is  living  in  Constanti 
nople  and  writing  for  the  Laffan  Bureau,  the  New 
York  Sun  and  a  Hamburg  paper,  was  moreover  "dis 
tinguished"  on  the  occasion  of  the  prince's  visit  by 
the  chancellor  in  an  autograph  letter. 

On  March  I7th  I  received  my  papers  from  Captain 
Flynn's  hands  and  signed  a  receipt  for  them.  Thus 
the  incident  was  disposed  of,  in  so  far  as  Mr.  Roose 
velt  was  concerned.  It  had  been  handled  with  brutal 
rough-rider  ruthlessness  and  the  world  had  been 
shown  that  an  attempt  at  interference  in  the  inner 
affairs  of  the  country  would  not  be  tolerated. 


CHAPTER  XIX 

THE  TRUTH  AND  THE  LAW 

Who  is  responsible  for  the  deception  of  the  German  press 
in  March,  1902? — A  campaign  of  secret  lies  and  calumny. 
— My  suit  against  the  Gross  New  Yorker  Zeitung. — "Thou 
shalt  not  bear  false  witness  against  thy  neighbour." — False 
material  against  me  is  furnished  from  German  official 
sources  to  my  opponents. — Pastor  O.  Frommel,  former 
German  ambassador  to  Rome,  now  at  Gera,  Russia,  be 
comes  the  victim  of  a  shameful  deception. — An  almost 
unbelievable  perversion  of  justice. — Appearance  of  the 
"United  States  Correspondence."— "A  Herald  Hater."— 
New  York  Herald's  slander  suit  against  three  Berlin  pa 
pers. — "There  are  judges  in  Berlin." — I  am  summoned  as 
a  witness. — Why  the  case  never  came  to  trial. — Astounding 
solution  of  the  riddle. 

THE  truth  about  these  critical  March  days  of   the 
year  1902  has  never  been  known  in  Germany. 

That  sounds  unbelievable,  but  it  is  nevertheless  a 
fact.  While  the  relations  between  Germany  and  the 
United  States  were  strained  to  the  utmost,  and  the 
decision  for  or  against  war  was  literally  in  the  bal 
ance,  the  majority  of  the  German  press  was  dealing  in 
page-long  effusions  over  the  result  of  the  prince's 
trip.  But  not  a  mortal  word  did  the  public  in  the 
dear  German  fatherland  learn  of  the  deadly  insult 
to  the  German  Ambassador,  and  in  his  person  to  the 
Emperor,  as  the  one  responsible  for  the  German  for 
eign  policy.  Never  before  had  the  union  between  the 
Imperial  Chancellor  and  the  Foreign  Office  in  the 
Wilhelmstrasse  and  the  semi-official  and  semi-Bleich- 

179 


i8o    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

roeder-Reuterschen- Wolff  Bureau  so  brilliantly  sus 
tained  each  other  as  in  those  days. 

The  general  director  of  the  official  German  tele 
graph  bureau,  Dr.  Heinrich  Mantler,  was  at  that  time 
himself  in  New  York.  The  report  certainly  then  lay 
in  the  surest  and  most  worthy  hands !  He  might  have 
been  able  to  prevent  the  whole  monstrous  scandal  and 
have  spared  the  German  Empire  the  greatest  diplo 
matic  defeat  that  it  had  ever  endured,  but  he  pre 
ferred  to  play  the  role  of  the  disinterested  third  party 
and  let  the  evil  run  its  course.  And  why  not  ? 

He  was  absolute  master  of  the  German  news 
cables,  and  Wolff's  Bureau  on  the  corner  of  Zimmer 
and  Charlotten  streets  in  Berlin  despatched  nothing 
which  had  not  first  been  examined  and  approved  by 
those  commissioned  by  him. 

As  the  "disturber  of  the  peace,"  Witte,  lived  in  New 
York,  and  his  return  to  Germany  might  be  discounted, 
there  was  nothing  simpler  for  that  trio,  Holleben, 
Mantler  and  Munsterberg,  than  to  make  him  the  scape 
goat  for  the  whole  affair.  While  doing  so,  the  leaders 
of  Wolff's  Bureau  might  at  the  same  time  wreak  their 
anger  on  the  offender  who  had  exposed  their  dis 
graceful  manoeuvre  on  the  Vienna  exchange,  and 
thereby  made  it  necessary  for  the  Austrian  govern 
ment  to  install  its  own  telegraph  connection  with  St. 
Petersburg.  Now  the  time  had  come,  once  and  for 
all,  to  "gag"  the  prying  fellow ! 

WHAT  IN  THOSE  FATEFUL  DAYS  WAS  TELEGRAPHED 
FROM  NEW  YORK  TO  BERLIN  HAS  NEVER  BEEN 
EQUALED  IN  THE  WORLD'S  HISTORY  FOR  MALICIOUS 
AND  SHAMELESS  PERVERSION  OF  THE  TRUTH. 

I  learned  of  it  only  in  the  year  1906,  after  my  re 
turn  to  Berlin,  when  my  wife  took  the  trouble  to  look 
back  over  the  paper  files  in  the  Imperial  Library  in 


THE  TRUTH  AND  THE  LAW     181 

Behren  Street,  to  the  March  editions  of  1902 ;  she 
could  hardly  believe  her  eyes,  but  the  following  is 
what  she  read: 

"The  German  Ambassador  declares  Witte  menaced 
him  with  murder." 

And  similar  articles  in  the  Frankfurter  Zeitung  and 
the  Berliner  Tageblatt,  and  further: 

"Witte  has  been  arrested,  but  released  again,  as 
the  Ambassador  has  failed  to  prosecute." 

The  reporter  for  the  Berliner  Tageblatt  who  sent 
this  private  telegram  was  guilty  of  a  direct  lie,  as  I 
was  never  arrested,  and  also  the  State  Department 
had  never  had  the  intention  of  prosecuting  me. 

The  fictitious  H.  telegram  in  the  German  papers 
originated  with  Paul  Haedicke,  the  New  York  special 
correspondent  of  Wolff's  Bureau,  and  von  Holleben's 
confidential  man.  An  unheard-of  crime  had  been 
committed,  so  low,  so  cowardly,  so  brutal,  so  refined, 
so  devilish,  that  happily  there  have  been  few  like  it  in 
history.  And  in  order  to  cover  it  up  and  prevent  the 
truth  from  becoming  known,  a  further  crime  must 
be  committed. 

In  Washington,  as  in  Berlin,  the  world  went  forth 
to  hush  up  the  von  Holleben  affair,  and  certain  influ 
ences  were  brought  to  bear  in  order  to  reach  this  end 
and  not  allow  me  to  be  heard  from. 

I  learned  nothing  of  these  machinations,  but  I  did 
know  of  the  lies  which  certain  German  papers  in 
New  York  circulated  about  me,  and  I  strove  to  have 
a  judicial  settlement  through  a  damage  suit  against 
the  editor  of  the  Gross  New  Yorker  Zeitung,  the  New 
York  Herald  and  the  New  Yorker  Revue. 

The  outcome  of  the  suit  was  typically  American. 
The  accused  publishers,  Wolfram  and  Mayer  (Mayer 
is  now  representative  of  the  Mergenthaler  Linotype 


182    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

Machine  Company  in  Berlin),  retained  the  more  than 
well-known  New  York  attorney,  Benno  Loewy,  and 
sent  him  to  Germany  to  gather  "material"  against  me. 
As  hotly  as  he  worked,  his  mission  would  have  failed 
and  he  would  have  returned  with  empty  hands  had  not 
false  information  been  given  him  from  official  sources. 
From  documents  I  now  have,  it  seems  that  the  de 
fendant,  Mayer,  was  close  to  the  German  consul  at 
Rome,  Nast-Kolb,  and  that  person  gave  him  the  ad 
dress  of  Dr.  Otto  Frommel,  former  chaplain  of  the 
imperial  Embassy  at  Rome,  now  in  Gera,  Russia,  with 
the  remark  that  this  person  could  tell  him  something 
about  Witte.  The  shamefully  deceived  clergyman 
was  now  so  belaboured  personally  and  by  mail  by 
Mayer,  Loewy  and  other  Berlin  lawyers  that  he,  to 
secure  relief,  made  a  deposition,  later  attested  by  the 
American  consul  at  Leipzig,  that  he  had  been  swindled 
by  one  Dr.  Georg  Witt  (alias  Witte)  in  Rome  in 
1902.  This  person  who  had  been,  he  said,  the  pri 
vate  secretary  of  Consul  Nast-Kolb,  had  secured  pos 
session  of  the  official  German  seal,  deceived  a  poor 
German  school  teacher  and  taken  money  from  her 
under  promise  of  marriage,  jumped  his  bills  and  fi 
nally  fled  to  Paris,  where  he  wrote  insulting  letters 
to  the  consul.  For  identification  of  Georg  Witt,  Pas 
tor  Frommel  enclosed  a  photograph  with  the  swin 
dler's  autograph,  and  added  that  he  now  carried  on 
his  operations  disguised  with  a  wig. 

Since  in  1892  I  was  engaged  as  director  of  the  Reu- 
ter  Bureau  in  Berlin  and  was  received  as  such  at  the 
Foreign  Office,  it  should  have  been  easy  to  determine, 
were  the  intention  honourable,  that  I  was  not  the 
same  as  the  Georg  Witt  of  Rome.  But  the  honourable 
intention  was  absent  and  the  lawyer  Benno  Loewy 


THE  TRUTH  AND  THE  LAW     183 

could  report  to  his  principals  that  his  German  mission 
had  been  crowned  with  success. 

Meanwhile  I  had  found  a  poorly  paid  position  as 
editor  of  a  German  weekly,  which  was  housed  in  the 
building  of  the  New  Yorker  Zeitung,  the  publisher  of 
which,  as  I  later  learned,  was  a  friend  of  the  defend 
ant  publishers.  Three  days  before  the  hearing  of  the 
case  I  was  faced  with  the  alternative  of  withdrawing 
my  suit  or  losing  my  position  at  once.  They  told  me 
that  a  German  minister,  by  name  Frommel,  had  testi 
fied  under  oath  before  the  American  consul,  submitting 
my  photograph,  that  he  and  others  had  been  swindled 
by  me.  Should  I  prove  obstinate  in  spite  of  this  evi 
dence,  the  publishers  of  the  New  Yorker  Zeitung 
would  use  their  considerable  influence  with  the  officials 
to  render  me  harmless  once  and  for  all  time;  there 
were  enough  means  to  that  end. 

Since  I  did  not  wish  to  rob  my  family  of  the  meagre 
support  I  was  affording,  I  withdrew  my  case  under 
this  threat. 

But  the  devilish  vengeance  of  my  enemies  was  not 
appeased  by  that.  From  that  time  on  all  sorts  of 
fairy  tales  were  spread  all  over  America,  that  I  was 
the  swindler  Georg  Witt,  and  in  this  way  my  progress 
was  impeded. 

It  was  a  terrible  battle  for  existence  that  I  carried 
on  then;  and  I  could  hope  for  freedom  from  it  only 
if  I  succeeded  in  securing  an  official  investigation. 
But  for  this  very  little  chance  was  visible,  for  my 
petitions  to  that  end  remained  unanswered.  I  must 
therefore  go  at  it  by  indirection.  At  my  instance, 
the  publisher  of  the  weekly  I  edited  decided  on  a 
newspaper  correspondence  for  the  press  of  the  Ger 
man-speaking  countries  of  Europe.  It  appeared  under 
the  title,  "United  States  Correspondence,"  and  was 


184    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

well  received.  Almost  every  article  made  the  rounds 
of  the  German  papers  and  there  was  hardly  a  day 
that  some  one  did  not  write  approval  to  some  editor 
or  other.  Over  a  signature  of  "A  Herald  Hater,"  I 
undertook  one  of  the  articles,  publication  of  which 
I  expected  would  lead  to  an  investigation  of  my  af 
fairs.  (The  author  describes  at  length  a  suit  for 
libel  instituted  by  the  New  York  Herald  against  three 
Berlin  papers  as  a  result  of  this  letter,  one  of  them 
withdrawing  its  statements  and  the  others  "hushing 
it  up"  at  the  instance,  he  intimates,  of  the  German 
government. ) 


CHAPTER  XX 


OFFICIAL   FRIENDSHIP 

Herr  von  Holleben  forced  to  leave  Washington  suddenly. — 
"Without  drum  or  trumpet,  he  took  his  farewell." — 
"Specky"  his  successor. — Women's  war  at  the  Embassy. — 
Will  Frau  Anna,  of  the  New  Yorker  Staats-Zeitung,  prove 
herself  a  good  prophetess? — Herman  Ridder's  paper  at 
tacks  Sternburg,  but  is  silenced  by  the  threat  of  founding 
a  new  German  daily  in  New  York. — Acceptance  of  a  monu 
ment  to  "Alter  Fritz"  is  Sternburg' s  first  "triumph."— The 
statue  of  the  great  king  receives  company. — The  Kaiser's 
gifts  to  the  Germanic  Museum  at  Harvard. — Herr  von 
Sternburg  becomes  a  "Ph.  D." — The  old  personnel  of  the 
Embassy  goes  out  the  door. — "Specky"  a  sick  little  man. 

BERNARD  VON  BULOW  in  the  German  Parliament 
angrily  deprecated  the  constant  reference  that  was 
made  to  his  likeness  to  the  first  imperial  chancellor. 
Very  aptly  and  with  right,  in  my  opinion,  for  even 
if  one  admits  that  a  smaller  man  is  being  compared 
with  a  greater,  a  serious  comparison  between  Otto  von 
Bismarck  and  Bernard  von  Biilow  is  out  of  place. 

No,  so  long  as  the  man  of  blood  and  iron  was 
linked  to  the  German  Empire,  such  an  occurrence 
would  never  have  been  possible ;  no  power  in  the  world 
would  have  dared  so  to  insult  a  German  ambassador, 
the  representative  of  the  holy  person  of  the  Emperor, 
as  Herr  von  Holleben  had  been  insulted,  not  to  men 
tion  the  scandalous  ending  of  the  trip  of  Prince  Henry ! 
But  we  no  longer  live  in  Bismarck's  time,  and  to-day 
it  is  counted  against  one  to  stir  his  ghost.  Thus  oc- 

185 


186    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

curred  the  unbelievable.  The  affair,  with  all  its  shame 
ful  accompanying  circumstance,  was  simply  hushed 
up,  and  a  journalist,  pursued  by  the  hate  of  the  news 
union,  was  chosen  as  a  scapegoat,  and — the  honour, 
the  dignity  and  the  authority  of  the  mighty  German 
Empire  had  been  saved. 

How  it  was  possible  to  leave  Herr  von  Holleben 
longer  at  his  post,  after  he  had  been  given  his  pass 
ports,  with  the  invitation  to  leave  the  country  within 
forty-eight  hours,  is  a  riddle  which  Bernard  von  Biilow 
alone  might  be  able  to  answer.  It  would  be  unnatural 
to  expect  from  me  any  sympathy  for  the  Ambassador, 
but  I  must  confess  that  I  felt  heartily  sorry  for  this 
poor  old  man,  suddenly  thrown  from  his  high  position, 
when  he  was  still  obliged  to  remain  in  the  American 
capital,  the  object  of  open  and  secret  scorn  and  banter 
of  the  entire  official  world.  He  went  away  on  a  vaca 
tion,  and  it  was  said  he  would  not  again  return  to 
his  post;  but  he  was  obliged  to  drink  the  bitter  cup 
to  the  dregs,  and  once  more  to  take  the  trip  across 
the  ocean  in  order  to  be  sent  home  again  like  a  school 
boy  who  has  been  whipped.  After  remaining  several 
weeks  in  Washington,  he  was  obliged  to  leave  the 
land  and  the  country  so  suddenly  that  he  had  no  time 
to  take  leave  personally  of  the  President  or  the  Secre 
tary  of  State.  The  New  York  Staats-Zeitung  wrote 
at  that  time : 

"On  January  10,  1903,  the  ambassador  of  the  German 
Empire  to  Washington,  Dr.  von  Holleben,  sailed  on  the 
steamer  Waldersee  for  home,  without  drum  or  trumpet.  He 
took  no  leave  of  the  diplomatic  corps  in  Washington.  Why  ?" 

Mr.  Ridder's  paper  added  scoffingly  that  the  Amer 
ican  people  still  highly  respected  the  gentleman.  In 
contradiction  to  the  official  German  announcement  of 


OFFICIAL  FRIENDSHIP  187 

the  sudden  "illness"  of  the  Ambassador,  several  pa 
pers  stated  that  this  "illness"  had  not  interfered  with 
his  excellency's  having  a  very  merry  time  while 
waiting  in  New  York  for  the  sailing  of  the  next 
boat. 

No  German  ambassador  has  ever  before  left  his 
post  as  did  Herr  von  Holleben,  and  Berlin  accepted 
it  quietly,  with  a  Christlike  forbearance,  made  no 
protest,  but  even  heaped  coals  of  fire  on  the  head  of 
the  guilty  delinquent. 

The  affair  turned  out  as  was  desired  in  Washington. 
The  successor  of  Herr  von  Holleben  was  the  personal 
friend  of  President  Roosevelt,  Freiherr  Spec  von 
Sternburg,  who  had  warned  me  against  the  introduc 
tion  of  the  Ambassador  to  Prince  Eulenburg,  and  in 
doing  so  laid  the  seed  to  all  future  developments. 
The  jump  from  the  post  of  German  consul  general  in 
Calcutta  to  that  of  Imperial  German  Ambassador  to 
Washington  was  a  performance  the  like  of  which  no 
acrobat  of  German  diplomacy,  however  clever,  had  yet 
attained. 

Freiherr  Spec  von  Sternburg  is  not  a  descendant  of 
an  old  German  noble  family,  as  was  claimed  for  him 
by  the  American  newspapers,  but  is — of  which  fact  he 
should  be  proud  in  democratic  America — of  poor  and 
obscure  origin.  Even  his  grandfather,  a  plain  shep 
herd,  was  named  Speck,  but  he  knew  how  to  use  a 
natural  talent  in  the  care  of  his  fortune  and  so  to 
enlarge  it  that  he  was  able  to  buy  the  property  of 
Lutzschena,  near  Leipzig,  where,  with  great  success, 
he  bred  the  so-called  electoral  sheep  and  developed 
a  good  breed.  For  his  services  as  a  sheep-breeder, 
the  former  shepherd  Speck  was  knighted  by  the  Ba 
varian  government  and  received  the  name  of  Freiherr 
Speck  von  Sternburg. 


i88     REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

An  amusing  anecdote  which  dates  from  that  time 
may  not  be  out  of  place  here : 

During  a  visit  of  the  King  of  Saxony  to  Leipzig, 
the  town  was  illuminated,  and  the  newly  made  Frei- 
herr  did  not  fail  to  decorate  his  property,  which  was 
on  the  Reichstrasse,  and  to  provide  a  transparency  on 
which  was  this  pretty  verse : 

"Oh,  would  that  in  our  Saxony 
Electors  always  grew  up  noble!" 

A  witty  Leipzig  shoemaker,  who  lived  opposite 
Speck,  seized  the  opportunity  to  put  out  the  follow 
ing  verse  on  his  transparency : 

"Oh,  would  that  in  our  Saxony 
Electors  grew  on  backs  of  hogs, 
So  that  Speck  upon  this  earth 
Should  grow  and  grow  in  noble  worth." 

After  the  disgrace  of  the  I2th  of  March,  which 
was  only  surpassed  by  the  dismissal  of  the  Ambassador 
in  the  following  year,  began  the  German  policy  of 
gifts  and  favours. 

In  order  to  bewitch  public  opinion  for  the  repre 
sentative  of  the  German  Empire,  Melville  E.  Stone 
of  the  Associated  Press  in  New  York  gave  a  banquet 
for  Herr  von  Sternburg,  to  which  the  editors,  corre 
spondents  and  co-workers  of  all  the  most  widely  read 
papers  were  invited. 

Only  one  large  paper,  and  that  a  German,  the  New 
York  Staats-Zeitung,  took  an  openly  hostile  attitude 
toward  Herr  von  Sternburg,  and  on  every  possible 
occasion  made  fun  of  him,  especially  so  at  the  time 
of  the  well-known  quarrel  over  etiquette,  when  the 
question  came  up  whether  the  wife  of  the  Ambassador 
should  make  the  first  call  on  the  wives  of  the  secre 
taries,  or  vice  versa. 


OFFICIAL  FRIENDSHIP  189 

The  Kladderadatsch  at  that  time  immortalised  that 
tragi-comic  episode  in  the  following  poem: 

HOW    THE    WOMEN    TREAT    EACH    OTHER 

There  sat  side  by  side  two  women,  in  a  far-off  land ; 
Up  spoke  the  noble  von  Sternburg  to  the  Senator's  wife : 
"How  my  husband  stands  so  gloriously  before  all  the  senators, 
Just  like  the  shining  full  moon  before  the  little  stars!" 

Back  spoke  Mrs.  Senator :    "Let  him  be  as  fine  as  he  may, 
You  must  not  understand  amiss  what  I  am  going  to  say. 
You  must  still  do  just  as  every  one  else  has  done. 
In  all  politeness,  I  must  receive  the  first  visit  from  you." 

"Oh,  you  would  exalt  yourself,"  broke  out  Mrs.  Ambassador. 

"Well,  I  will  show  you  whether  in  the  future 

You  will  not  observe  the  customs  here  in  America." 

By  this  time  both  women  were  in  pretty  stormy  mood. 

So  they  parted,  and  went  their  ways  in  a  huff; 
And  then  to  her  husband  said  Mrs.  Baron  Speck: 
"I  can't  pay  the  first  visit  to  this  hussy. 
Cannot  the  creature  get  that  into  her  head?" 

The  noble  Herr  von  Sternburg,  when  thus  weeping  he  saw 

His  beloved  wife,  right  tenderly  replied: 

"She  will  never  get  away  with  such  rude  talk. 

Weep  not,  dear  wife.    I  shall  write  it  fearlessly  to  Berlin. 

"The  husband  of  this  egotist  shall  repay  her  talk, 
Or  he  will  never  meet  me  among  the  ambassadors." 
Men  should  bring  up  their  wives,  then  wrote  the  dauntless 

warrior, 
So  that  they  would  leave  unsaid  such  impolite  language. 

Thus  wrote  Herr  Speck.    Alas !  it  came  about 

That  in  Washington  many  a  hero  had  to  leave  the  capital. 

An  adder  bit  him.    Many  an  elected  idol, 

Through  the  cackling  of  women,  was  lost  to  the  capital. 

On  the  occasion  of  the  Washington  women's  war, 
the  New  York  Staats-Zeitung,  in  an  article  entitled 
"Women  in  Politics,"  called  to  mind  Bismarck's  prin 
ciple  of  sending  no  diplomatic  representative  to  a 


REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

country  whose  wife  was  a  child  of  that  country,  and 
the  well-known  editorial  writer,  "Frau  Anna,"  in  Herr 
Ridder's  paper  was  permitted  to  enlarge  on  this  theme 
in  an  article  occupying  almost  two  columns,  which 
rang  in  these  prophetic  words : 

"Possibly,  sooner  or  later,  a  mighty  political  scandal  will 
open  the  eyes  of  the  Emperor  and  the  entire  official  world, 
and  a  cleansing  storm  will  clear  the  atmosphere  surrounding 
the  throne.  In  the  interests  of  the  dignity  of  the  German 
Empire  abroad,  such  a  phenomenon  is  much  to  be  desired." 

When  in  the  Staats-Zeitung  women  begin  to  take 
precedence  in  leading  articles  over  politics,  then  must 
the  political  barometer  have  fallen  very  low : 

"It  is  dangerous  to  awaken  Skal, 
Destructive  is  the  tooth  of  Ridder ; 
Yet  frightfulest  among  the  frightful — 
That  is  'Frau  Anna'  in  her  wrath." 

This  humorous  paraphrasing  of  Schiller's  verses 
went  the  rounds  at  that  time  in  New  York  and  caused 
much  amusement. 

But  the  many-sided  Professor  Miinsterberg  of  Har 
vard  University,  who  was  seldom  at  a  loss  for  an  ex 
pedient,  knew  also  how  to  get  rid  of  the  New  Yorker 
Staats-Zeitung  and  "Frau  Anna." 

In  several  large  newspapers  there  appeared  at  that 
time  announcements  "from  the  best  source,"  wherein 
it  was  claimed  that  a  new  large  German  newspaper 
was  to  be  founded  in  New  York.  This  paper,  it  was 
said,  would  appeal  to  all  the  Germans  in  New  York 
who  were  dissatisfied  with  the  eternal  wrangling  and 
crookedness  of  the  New  Yorker  Staats-Zeitung,  as 
well  as  with  its  political  faithlessness,  which  first  took 
this  side  and  then  the  other,  and  would  excel  it  in  all 
points,  both  editorially  and  technically. 


OFFICIAL  FRIENDSHIP  191 

Money  would  be  of  no  consideration  with  the  new 
paper,  as  there  would  be  unlimited  means  at  its  dis 
posal,  namely,  the  treasure  of  the  German  Empire. 

Herr  Bernard  Ridder,  a  German-American  "self- 
made  man,"  who  had  risen  from  a  messenger  boy  to 
the  all-powerful  leadership  and  part  owner  of  the 
New  Yorker  Staats-Zeitung,  began  to  be  afraid.  There 
might  possibly  be  some  truth  in  these  statements,  and 
if,  as  was  claimed,  Professor  Hugo  Miinsterberg 
should  undertake  the  chief  editorship  df  the  new 
paper,  then  the  Staats-Zeitung  would  be  obliged  to 
reef  its  mainsail.  Herr  Ridder  therefore  thought  it 
best  to  reform,  a  reconciliation  banquet  took  place, 
and  the  proclaimed  newspaper  did  not  appear. 

The  President,  in  the  White  House,  lost  no  time 
in  demonstrating  publicly  that  he  was  in  fact  the 
friend  of  the  German  Ambassador.  Soon  the  latter 
was  able  to  write  in  triumph  to  Berlin,  as  his  initial 
performance,  that  he  had  been  able  to  overcome  the 
President's  objection  to  the  erection  of  a  monument 
to  Frederick  the  Great  in  Washington,  and  thus  the 
requisite  consent  was  assured.  This  great  deed  of 
Herr  von  Sternburg  was  served  to  the  German  press 
with  the  customary  effusiveness;  only,  they  forgot  to 
mention  the  circumstance  that  the  erection  of  the 
statue  was  conditioned  on  the  erecting  also  of  statues 
of  Hannibal,  Caesar  and  Napoleon,  and  these  with 
American  money.  The  world  laughed  and  made  fun 
of  the  idea  of  putting  up  a  monument  to  an  absolute 
king  in  republican  America.  But  the  practical  Amer 
icans  knew,  as  usual,  how  to  escape  their  dilemma,  by 
placing  the  statue  of  Old  Fritz  in  front  of  the  new 
military  academy,  where,  in  the  company  of  the  three 
other  war  heroes,  it  was  not  likely  to  rouse  further 


192     REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

controversy.  "Teddy"  had  helped  "Specky"  to  his 
first  success. 

For  the  sake  of  truth,  I  must  state  that  the  public  in 
the  United  States,  even  to-day,  is  not  enthusiastic 
over  the  monument  to  Frederick  the  Great,  and  sees 
in  its  erection  a  sin  committed  against  the  spirit  of 
the  Republic.  Some  wanton,  to  whom  the  "historic 
friendship"  between  the  United  States  and  Germany 
was  an  open  outrage,  has  since,  as  is  known,  made  an 
attempt  to  blow  it  up.  Luckily  a  negro  prevented 
the  design,  and  received  as  reward,  by  commission  of 
the  Foreign  Office,  through  the  Ambassador,  a  silver 
watch.  The  gift  aroused  all  the  American  papers  to 
scornful  jibes.  "Was  a  silver  watch  an  imperial  gift?" 
they  asked,  "and  did  the  saviour  of  the  monument  get 
a  silver  watch  because  he  was  only  a  'nigger'  and  would 
the  saviour,  if  he  had  been  a  white  man,  have  been 
entitled  to  a  gold  watch?" 

Also,  the  founding  of  the  Germanic  museum  at 
Harvard  University,  in  Cambridge,  Massachusetts, 
which  is  the  centre  of  Anglo-American  "Kultur,"  met 
with  open,  as  well  as  secret,  suspicion.  In  connection 
with  the  Emperor's  gift,  a  so-called  Germanic  Museum 
Association  was  created,  in  which  all  the  most  promi 
nent  and  influential  men  of  the  country  were  invited 
to  take  part  as  in  sympathy  with  the  Germanic  spirit 
and  "Kultur,"  and  to  assist  in  laying  the  foundation 
for  a  policy  friendly  to  the  German  Empire.  The 
object,  however,  was  noted  in  many  circles  and  was 
generally  denounced.  Evil-minded  people  even  went 
so  far  as  to  see  in  the  Kaiser's  gift  a  second  Trojan 
horse,  and  to  call  to  mind  the  proverb,  "Fear  the 
Greeks  when  they  come  bearing  gifts." 

Naturally  Herr  von  Sternburg  was  not  spared,  after 
becoming  ambassador,  the  honour  of  being  made  an 


OFFICIAL  FRIENDSHIP  193 

honourary  doctor  of  different  American  universities. 
That  his  friend  "Teddy"  was  at  the  same  time  his 
associate  must  have  consoled  the  old  major,  and  sworn 
enemy  of  all  pen-pushers,  for  the  mortification  im 
posed  upon  him. 

Under  Herr  von  Sternburg  an  entire  change  took 
place  in  the  personnel  of  the  Embassy.  The  secre 
taries,  who  perhaps  had  not  taken  him  seriously 
enough,  and  their  noble  wives,  who  were  unwilling 
to  pay  due  reverence  to  his  plebeian  American  wife, 
the  officials  of  the  government  office,  who  had  made 
sport  of  reports  made  out  by  him — all  were  obliged  to 

go. 

Nothing  in  the  Embassy  was  costly  and  fine  enough 
for  the  new  mistress  of  the  Embassy.  All  the  old 
furniture  was  disposed  of  and  must  be  replaced  by 
new,  which  was  better  suited  to  her  refined  American 
taste.  An  enthusiastic  description  of  the  changes 
which  had  taken  place  appeared  in  the  German  papers 
of  the  country,  from  Louis  Viereck's  pen,  the  only 
Social  Democrat  delegate  who  was  lucky  enough  to 
have  ingratiated  himself  as  a  Roosevelt  republican 
agent  and  reporter  of  the  social  news  of  the  German 
Embassy. 

The  personal  appearance  of  Herr  von  Sternburg 
is  not  what  one  might  call  exactly  imposing.  He  is 
small  and  lank,  with  a  curiously  dull  complexion,  which 
gave  rise  to  so  many  unpleasant  remarks  by  Herr  von 
Holleben;  and  for  several  years  he  has  suffered  from 
rheumatism,  as  well  as  from  a  bad  ear  trouble,  which 
makes  it  almost  impossible  for  him  to  fulfil  his  busi 
ness,  as  well  as  his  social,  obligations.  Though,  in 
spite  of  his  large  income  as  ambassador,  he  entertains 
very  little,  the  small  home  of  the  former  ambassador 
soon  became  too  small,  and  the  German  Empire  became 


194    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

possessed  of  a  property,  through  his  management,  in 
a  fashionable  quarter  of  the  city,  on  which  is  now 
being  built  a  mansion  with  which  even  the  most  critical 
could  find  no  fault.  Unfortunately,  this  was  an  occa 
sion  for  bringing  up  again  the  old  bad  matter;  it  was 
deemed  curious  that  the  building  bought  by  Herr  von 
Holleben  hardly  ten  years  before  should  be  considered 
insufficient.  It  called  to  mind  the  sum  which  von 
Holleben  had  paid,  and  comments  were  made  not  very 
complimentary  to  the  predecessor  of  Herr  von  Stern- 
burg. 


CHAPTER  XXI 

PUZZLES   AND    POLITICS 

The  press  in  Germany  and  America  sees  everything  through 
Berlin  spectacles. — Melville  E.  Stone  received  by  the  Kaiser 
with  princely  honours. — The  German  postmaster  general  ac 
cords  "A.  P."  despatches  priority  over  all  other  telegrams. 
— The  New  York  Staats-Zeitung  a  zealous  agent  for  Ger 
man  interests. — Astonishing  remark  made  by  Herr  von 
Holleben  concerning  the  Kaiser's  speeches. — Does  the  pub 
lic  in  Germany  and  America  hear  the  truth  ? — Sad  decline 
of  the  German-American  press. — My  experiments  with  the 
Germans  of  Albany,  N.  Y. — Everywhere  the  same  indif 
ference. — Industry  of  reprint  and  "boiler-plate." — The  Ger 
man's  role  in  politics. — Is  he  undependable  and  venal  ? — Per 
sonal  liberty  and  lager  beer. — I  help  elect  Mayor  McClellan. 
— Support  from  the  New  York  Staats-Zeitung  brings  mis 
fortune  to  candidates. — George  von  Skal  as  a  speaker. — 
Two  souls  dwell,  alas,  in  his  breast ! 

HERR  VON  HOLLEBEN  had  departed,  but  the  Holleberei, 
as  some  German-American  papers  remarked,  still  re 
mained — the  system  of  deceiving  and  leading  astray 
public  opinion  in  Germany  and  America.  Herr  von 
Sternburg  gave  himself  great  trouble  in  this  respect, 
to  walk  in  his  predecessor's  footsteps,  and  with  the 
help  of  the  most  prominent  specialists  of  the  press, 
such  as  Melville  E.  Stone,  and  Professor  Hugo  Mun- 
sterberg,  his  effort  met  with  great  success. 

One  should  always  bear  in  mind  that  to-day  the 
people  of  America,  as  well  as  the  people  of  Germany, 
know  as  little  of  one  another  as  they  did  a  hundred 
years  ago  and  depend  entirely  upon  the  news  as  given 


196    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACH^ 

by  the  great  telegraph  offices,  where  they  receive  it  in 
very  homeopathic  doses.  As  the  telegraph  bureau  sees 
the  thing  and  reports  it,  so  the  German  and  American 
newspaper  readers  see  it;  so  that  it  follows  that  who 
ever  controls  the  telegraph  bureau  is  in  the  position 
to  instruct  or  mislead  at  will  public  opinion  in  both 
hemispheres  as  required  by  circumstances.  Two  tele 
graph  bureaus  in  the  United  States  provide  the  papers 
with  news  from  Germany,  the  Associated  Press  and 
Laffan's  Bureau  in  connection  with  the  Sun.  Mr. 
Melville  E.  Stone,  who  is  first  and  last  a  business 
genius,*  understood  what  unbounded  possibilities  were 
open  for  him  if  he  were  to  follow  the  wish  of  the 
German  government  and  make  the  American  people 
see  the  German-American  policy  with  German  specta 
cles;  and  his  business  interests  measured  his  decision. 
It  would  pay  him  better  to  be  the  friend  of  the  Ger 
man  Empire,  rather  than  the  enemy,  and  Melville 
E.  Stone,  who  had  accepted  as  a  thing  quite  natural 
Wolff  von  Schierbrand's  dismissal  from  Berlin;  who, 
together  with  Professor  Miinsterberg  and  Director 
Mantler  of  Wolff's  Bureau,  had  a  conference  in  a  pri 
vate  cabin  of  the  Kaiser's  yacht  Hohenzollern;  who, 
by  the  arrangement  of  a  great  banquet,  brought  Herr 
von  Sternburg  into  personal  contact  with  all  the  lead 
ing  editors  of  the  country  and  recommended  him  to 
their  benevolence — then  the  clever  business  man,  Mel 
ville  E.  Stone,  took  a  business  trip  to  Berlin,  where  he 
was  received  with  princely  honours,  about  which  he 
sent  the  following  interesting  news  to  an  American 
paper : 

*  Mr.  Stone  is  known  the  world  over  as,  first  and  last,  a 
"newspaper  man,"  and  what  follows  proves  his  prowess  as  a 
news-getter. 


PUZZLES  AND  POLITICS  197 

"The  Emperor  stood  near  a  chimney,  in  the  background 
of  the  room,  and  around  him  stood  the  Empress,  Prince 
Heinrich,  Princess  Irene,  Prince  Eitel,  and  Prince  Leopold. 
There  was  no  one  else  in  the  room.  I  was  introduced  to 
the  Kaiser.  He  greeted  me  cordially,  spoke  in  English  about 
my  Berlin  mission,  and  expressed  his  pleasure  at  the  idea 
that  the  American  people  would  now  be  in  a  position  to  see 
Germany  through  German  eyes.  He  explained  frankly  and 
at  length  that  he  felt  a  hearty  good  will  toward  our  people, 
and  that  he  would  give  the  necessary  orders  so  that  the  Asso 
ciated  Press  would  be  given  a  satisfactory  position  in  Ger 
many.  Finally,  he  turned  to  Prince  Henry,  with  the  words: 
'Here  is  a  gentleman  whom  you  know.'  The  prince  stood 
beside  him,  greeted  me,  and  added:  'I  should  like  you  to 
meet  my  wife,  also/  He  thereupon  introduced  me  to  his 
wife,  the  Princess  Irene.  She  was  very  kind,  spoke  of  her 
English  ancestors,  and  of  the  pleasure  it  gave  her  to  meet 
some  one  who  spoke  her  mother  tongue. 

"In  the  meantime,  several  hundred  people  who  were  wait 
ing  audiences  had  been  admitted  to  the  ante-chamber.  The 
court  marshal  approached  me,  and  said  that  the  empress 
was  ready  to  receive  me.  She  was  very  gracious,  and  said: 
'I  hope  that  you  will  have  a  pleasant  stay.  You  are  very 
welcome,  and  we  would  like  to  convince  you  of  the  fact.' " 

The  details  in  regard  to  quickest  means  of  forward 
ing  the  telegrams  were  settled  with  the  postmaster 
general.  AT  MR.  MELVILLE  E.  STONE'S  SUGGESTION, 
AN  AGREEMENT  WAS  MADE,  WHEREBY  A  LITTLE  RED 
TAG  WITH  THE  WORD  "AMERICA"  ON  IT,  AND  WRIT 
TEN  ON  A  TELEGRAPH  BLANK,  WOULD  GIVE  IT  PRE 
CEDENCE  IN  THE  WHOLE  GERMAN  EMPIRE  OVER  ALL 
OTHER  TELEGRAMS.  The  telegrams  of  the  German 
people  were  therefore  obliged  to  wait,  in  order  that  the 
Associated  Press  should  be  despatched  first.  The  post 
master  general,  I  am  thinking,  must  have  found  it  a 
little  difficult  to  explain  in  the  Reichstag  this  extraor 
dinary  favour  accorded  to  a  foreign  company,  at  the 
expense  of  the  German  taxpayers! 

After  the  Associated  Press,  the  next  thing  was  to 
secure  Laffan's  Bureau  as  an  influence  in  swaying  pub- 


198  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

lie  opinion  to  a  policy  friendly  to  Germany.  For  this 
purpose  the  New  York  Staats-Zeitung  was  mobilised, 
which  announced  to  its  readers  in  the  most  salient 
style,  on  the  day  of  Prince  Henry's  departure  from 
America,  that,  being  led  by  the  desire  of  the  paper 
always  to  improve  the  news  service,  they  had  come 
to  an  agreement  with  Laffan's  Bureau  by  which  from 
now  on  Laffan's  telegrams  would  also  be  printed.  This 
news  came  as  a  surprise  to  the  unitiated,  as  the  Staats- 
Zeitung  already  received  the  despatches  of  the  Asso 
ciated  Press,  besides  a  daily  cable  letter  from  Berlin. 
Even  the  rich  Anglo-American  papers  of  the  country 
had  not  thought  of  such  a  luxury  as  to  desire  a  con 
nection  with  both  large  rival  despatch  bureaus  at  the 
same  time.  Only — the  German  Staats-Zeitung  was  a 
happy  exception  to  the  rule. 

Among  all  the  reporters  who  visited  me  on  the  mem 
orable  1 2th  of  March,  there  was  also  the  representa 
tive  of  the  New  York  Sun,  Laffan's  paper.  He  said 
to  me :  "I  have  not  been  instructed  to  ask  as  to  the 
truth  of  your  statement,  as  we  know  that  you  are 
genuine;  I  only  wish  to  ask  you  if  you  really  made  the 
statement.  Unfortunately,  we  shall  not  be  able  to  take 
up  your  affair  and  appear  for  you,  as  for  several  days 
we  have  suddenly  been  good  friends  with  the  German 
Empire.  I  am  surprised,"  so  he  continued,  "that  no 
German  has  been  found  who  has  had  the  courage  to 
draw  the  attention  of  the  statesmen  in  Berlin  to  the 
imperious  necessity  of  an  inquiry  into  your  affair. 
We  of  the  Sun  know  what  a  service  you  have  ren 
dered  to  your  government  in  Washington  and  New 
York." 

The  third  big  agent  for  influencing  public  opinion 
in  the  United  States  in  regard  to  the  policy  of  the 
German  Empire,  is  the  New  York  Staats-Zeitung, 


PUZZLES  AND  POLITICS  199 

which,  after  the  manner  of  several  larger  Anglo-Amer 
ican  sheets,  resell  their  cable  despatches  to  English 
and  German  newspapers  of  the  country.  The  "old 
woman  of  Newspaper  Row,"  as  she  was  named  by 
her  contemporaries,  looks  back  on  remarkable  changes. 
Old  Oswald  Ottendorfer,  born  in  Austria,  and  actual 
participant  in  the  revolution  of  1848,  could  not  look 
with  much  enthusiasm  upon  the  policy  of  Berlin,  espe 
cially  after  Bismarck's  dismissal,  and  it  needed  first 
the  downfall  of  the  consul  general  Feigl, after  the  Kis- 
sengen  affair  of  the  big  New  York  merchant  Stein,  to 
bring  about  a  change  in  his  views. 

"Herr  Ottendorfer  and  I  dined  alone  together  one 
evening  in  the  German  Club,"  Mr.  Feigl  himself  told 
me,  "and  I  made  use  of  the  opportunity  to  convince 
him  from  a  business  point  of  view  of  the  shortsight 
edness  of  a  policy  which  took  pleasure  in  hateful  at 
tacks  on  the  person  of  the  Emperor  and  the  Empire. 
Herr  Ottendorfer  saw  the  logic  of  my  remarks  and 
promised  improvement,  which  promise  he  faithfully 
kept.  If  now  and  again  there  have  been  unfriendly 
side  leaps  from  individual  editors,  for  these  he  was 
hardly  responsible." 

These  "side  leaps  of  individual  editors"  increased 
decidedly  while  Herr  von  Holleben  was  Ambassador 
to  Washington,  and  were  chiefly  directed  against  the 
Kaiser's  speeches,  which  for  the  most  part  were  mer 
cilessly  torn  to  pieces.  Herr  von  Holleben  and  the 
former  editor-in-chief  of  the  New  York  Staats-Zei- 
tung,  Paul  Loeser,  were  good  friends  and  showed  each 
other  many  little  favours,  which,  as  is  well  known, 
cements  friendships.  When  the  attacks  on  the  Kaiser 
in  the  Staats-Zeitung  did  not  cease,  Herr  von  Holleben 
appeared  one  day  in  Paul  Loeser's  private  room  on  the 
fourth  floor  of  the  Staats-Zeitung  building,  and,  in 


200    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

the  heat  of  discussion,  used  an  argument  which  prob 
ably  never  before  has  been  spoken  by  an  imperial 
German  ambassador.  He  said :  "We  both  know,  my 
dear  Loeser,  you  and  I,  that  the  Kaiser  often  uses 
expressions  which  had  better  have  been  left  unsaid 
(the  Ambassador  used  here  another  expression,  which 
I,  out  of  regard  for  the  press  laws,  am  not  able  to 
repeat)  but  is  there  any  moral  reason  for  your  readers 
to  know  this  and  always  to  be  reminded  of  it  through 
your  paper?"  Paul  Loeser  laughed,  and  the  attacks 
on  the  Kaiser  ceased. 

When  in  the  year  1906  Herr  Bernard  Ridder  went 
to  Germany  for  a  visit,  he  had  the  honour  of  being 
introduced  by  the  American  ambassador,  Charle 
magne  Tower,  to  the  Emperor  in  Wilhelmshohe,  near 
Cassel,  and  of  being  invited  to  the  imperial  table. 
"The  commanding  general  of  the  German-American 
press,"  who,  by  the  way,  was  not  able  to  speak  or 
write  the  German  language  correctly,  took  pains  dur 
ing  his  stay  in  Germany  to  sign  his  name  "Ritter." 

For  a  powerful  machine,  such  as  that  in  the  United 
States,  where  the  Associated  Press,  Laffan's  and  the 
New  York  Staats-Zeitung  are  united  in  a  spirit 
friendly  to  Germany  and  are  firmly  determined  to  al 
low  no  message  unfriendly  to  Germany  to  pass,  there 
would  naturally  be  no  need  in  the  German  Empire, 
where  the  entire  press  receives  reports  from  America 
through  the  Wolff  Bureau,  which,  as  the  organ  of  the 
imperial  chancellor  and  the  Foreign  Office,  allows  not 
a  word  to  go  through  which  could  be  unpleasant  or 
unfriendly  to  its  backers. 

To  LEARN  THE  TRUTH  ABOUT  EVENTS  IN  THE 
GERMAN  EMPIRE  AND  AMERICA,  AS  WELL  AS  THE 
MUTUAL  RELATIONSHIP  OF  THESE  COUNTRIES,  Is, 


PUZZLES  AND  POLITICS  201 

UNDER  THE  CIRCUMSTANCES  JUST  DESCRIBED,  AN  IM 
POSSIBILITY. 

It  is  highly  questionable,  however,  whether  the  Ger 
man  Empire  in  a  crisis  would  be  able  to  trust  its  pub 
licity  agents. 

After  the  lesson  of  the  i2th  of  March,  1902,  on 
which  day  both  all  powerful  directors  of  the  Associa 
ted  Press  and  Wolff's  Bureau  left  the  Ambassador  en 
tirely  in  the  lurch,  I  should  decidedly  say  no  to  this 
question. 

A  few  words  about  the  German-American  press  and 
its  significance  in  relation  to  public  life  in  the  United 
States  may  here  be  of  use.  It  is,  I  must  confess  to  my 
sorrow,  in  a  sad  condition  of  irremediable  decline. 
It  is  entirely  overshadowed  by  the  Anglo-American 
press  and  is  dying  a  slow  but  sure  death  on  account 
of  lack  of  funds.  If  I  except  certain  large  cities, 
where  there  are  still  German  papers  with  all  the  signs 
of  outward  prosperity,  though  they  are  already  at 
tacked  by  a  deadly  germ,  I  see  the  same  sad  situation 
everywhere.  After  the  increase  of  prosperity  in  the 
German  Empire,  the  emigration  from  Germany,  at 
one  time  so  heavy,  became  less,  the  first  German  emi 
grants  died,  and  the  second  generation  thinks  and 
feels  entirely  American.  The  Germans  born  in  Amer 
ica,  who  have  attended  the  public  schools,  can  not 
and  have  no  desire  to  read  or  speak  German,  and  there 
fore  turn  away  from  a  press  which  for  them  appears 
in  a  foreign  language.  It  is  hardly  believable  how 
little  use  the  Germans  in  America  have  for  a  German 
press  and  German  literature. 

From  my  own  experience  I  shall  give  a  typical  ex 
ample  which  speaks  whole  volumes;  in  Albany,  the 
capital  of  the  state  of  New  York,  the  German  popu 
lation  of  which  is  put  at  about  30,000,  I  was  for  a 


202     REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

time  owner  and  publisher  of  the  Her  old,  a  German 
daily  which  had  appeared  in  that  city  since  1850. 
When  I  took  over  the  paper,  I  desired  to  enlarge  the 
extraordinarily  shrunken  list  of  subscribers,  and  of 
fered  valuable  prizes  for  the  securing  of  new  read 
ers.  To  my  astonishment,  the  paper  won  through  this 
offer  not  a  single  reader.  To  solve  the,  to  me,  baffling 
puzzle,  and  to  go  to  the  bottom  of  the  matter,  I  pub 
lished  a  great  advertisement,  one  which  hit  the  eye, 
with  an  attached  coupon  in  which  to  every  one  who 
brought  to  the  paper  a  new  reader,  even  for  the  term 
of  one  week,  at  the  price  of  ten  cents,  I  promised,  en 
tirely  free,  a  beautiful  elegantly  bound  copy  of  the 
surpassingly  practical  "Kuerschner  Conversation  Lexi 
con"  in  one  volume,  the  price  of  which  was  one  dollar. 
I  never  had  the  pleasure  of  making  a  present  of  a 
single  one  of  these  really  beautiful  premiums,  since 
not  a  single  subscription  was  brought  to  the  paper. 

I  was  not  yet  satisfied  and  determined  to  go  still 
further.  From  the  former  owner  of  the  paper  I  had 
taken  over  a  great  number  of  pictures  of  the  Kaiser 
and  his  family,  which,  in  a  suitable  frame,  made  a 
really  pleasing  wall  decoration.  I  published  a  new 
advertisement,  more  immense  than  the  previous  ones, 
and  offered  to  every  reader  who  would  call  in  at  the 
office  for  the  purpose  a  copy  of  this  work  of  art  en 
tirely  free.  Again  the  same  experience.  Not  a  single 
picture  was  taken  away. 

This  same  culpable  indifference  of  the  Germans  in 
America  toward  their  press  may  be  observed  in  nearly 
every  large  or  small  town  in  the  country.  In  the  big 
cities,  where  at  one  time  it  was  possible  to  support  two 
or  three  rival  German  daily  newspapers,  now  they  are 
obliged  to  join  forces  if  they  wish  to  exist.  This 
was  the  case  in  three  of  the  most  German  large  towns 


PUZZLES  AND  POLITICS  203 

of  the  Union,  Milwaukee,  Chicago  and  St.  Louis.  It 
happened  in  Cleveland,  Pittsburg,  San  Francisco  and 
many  other  cities  besides. 

Of  the  many  German  papers  remaining  to-day,  the 
majority  would  not  exist  if  it  were  not  for  the  so- 
called  "boiler  plate  factories,"  which  make  it  possible 
to  save  the  wages  of  typesetters  and  writers.  These 
plate  industries,  on  the  other  hand,  only  exist  through 
the  many  copies  which  appear  in  the  German  and 
Austrian  newspapers  and  magazines,  whose  contents 
they  compose.  The  plates  are  cast  from  type,  sold  at 
a  very  moderate  price,  and  sent  to  their  purchasers. 
Self-respecting  newspapers  ought  really  to  hold  them 
selves  aloof  from  the  "plate"  articles,  but  when  even 
a  paper  like  the  St.  Louis  Westliche  Post  does  not 
hesitate  to  serve  daily  to  its  subscribers  this  ready- 
made  literature,  one  cannot  blame  the  smaller  and 
poorer  papers,  which  have  a  hard  struggle  for  exist 
ence. 

The  difficult  struggle  for  existence  of  the  German 
papers  sentences  them  all  too  often  to  play  the  role 
of  political  servants  who  are  obliged  to  render  sordid 
services  to  both  parties  and  to  be  satisfied  when  a 
bone  is  thrown  to  them  out  of  these  ill-smelling  spoils, 
which  no  one  else  wishes.  "To  thoroughly  understand 
is  to  forgive,"  and  therefore  one  ought  not  to  despise 
and  condemn  the  poor  German  journalists  in  America, 
without  whose  tragic  and  heroic  struggle  the  German 
language  would  long  since  have  perished  in  the  land 
of  dollars,  but  rather  accord  them  deep  and  sincere 
sympathy.  When,  as  so  often  happens,  a  German 
newspaper  appears  with  an  unprinted  inner  sheet,  the 

beloved  public  laughs  and  remarks:  "The  d 

printer  is  not  able  to  pay  for  his  'patent  insides'  again," 
but  is  unconscious  of  the  difficult  battle  the  poor  news- 


204    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

paper  man  daily  endures.  It  is  naturally  impossible 
to  expect  of  the  German  newspapers,  which  have  to 
struggle  for  their  existence,  that  they  should  remain 
true  to  a  conviction.  When  the  time  comes  for  a 
political  election  most  of  them  are  "on  the  fence,"  as 
the  Americans  say;  that  is,  one  foot  is  in  the  Repub 
lican,  the  other  in  the  Democratic  camp,  with  an  eye 
to  the  way  things  are  going  to  turn  out. 

Politics  in  America  is  a  business  which  is  expected 
to  yield  returns,  and  the  German-American  publishers, 
who  one  year  work  for  the  Republican  and  the  next 
for  the  Democratic  party,  are  not  even  conscious  of 
their  disgraceful  proceeding.  If  one  were  to  question 
their  attitude,  the  only  answer  would  be  from  the 
newspaper  man  as  well  as  from  the  members  of  Con 
gress  who  are  accused  of  corruption,  that  one  is  not  in 
politics  for  his  pleasure! 

The  almighty  dollar  is  the  golden  calf  which  all 
America,  high  or  low,  worships  on  bended  knee.  Even 
the  greatest  German  papers  are  bound,  in  order  to 
keep  their  lead,  to  join  in  the  chase  after  the  dollar 
and  are  thereby  obliged  to  overcome  all  obstacles. 
The  Anglo-American  papers  are  able  to  allow  them 
selves  the  luxury  of  a  political  conviction.  The  cor 
ruptibility  of  the  German- American  press  is  too  apt 
to  reflect  upon  the  German-American  inhabitants  in 
general,  and  that  explains  why  the  German-Ameri 
cans  of  both  parties  are  only  regarded  as  so  many 
votes  and  play  no  role  in  political  life,  or  at  least  have 
played  none  up  till  now. 

Several  years  ago  I  was  speaking  with  one  of  the 
New  York  political  leaders  regarding  the  situation  in 
general,  and  he  made  the  cynical  remark  that  he  and 
his  friends  never  paid  any  attention  to  the  German 
element,  as  they  were  always  absolutely  sure  of  them; 


PUZZLES  AND  POLITICS  205 

"if   we   begin    four   weeks   before   the   election,"   he 
added,  "we  can  buy  all  the  German  votes  we  need." 

The  New  York  Staats-Zeitung  plays  a  very  un 
lovely  part  in  party  political  camps.  In  the  eyes  of 
the  Anglo-Americans  it  is  still  the  "great"  German 
sheet,  the  "great"  Staats,  although  for  a  long  time 
the  number  of  its  subscribers  did  not  warrant  this 
consideration.  Anglo-American  politicians  believe 
that  whichever  side  wishes  the  support  of  the  German 
voter  must  secure  the  goodwill  of  the  Staats-Zeitung. 
But  the  experience  of  the  past  few  years  has  shown 
that  this  rule  by  no  means  holds.  In  fact,  the  bad 
luck  of  the  New  York  Staats-Zeitung  in  political  af 
fairs  has  almost  become  proverbial,  so  that  it  is  con 
sidered  a  good  omen  to  be  fought  by  it.  When  George 
B.  McClellan,  who  is  now  mayor  of  New  York,  was 
put  up  for  the  first  time  for  the  office,  there  was  in  the 
whole  German  language  no  word  too  evil  in  which 
to  express  the  contempt  of  the  Staats-Zeitung  for  the 
Tammany  candidate.  He  won  by  one  of  the  greatest 
majorities  ever  attained  by  a  mayor  of  New  York; 
and  their  candidate,  Mayor  Seth  Low,  for  whom  the 
Staats-Zeitung  had  worked  passionately,  learned  to 
his  cost  what  the  Staats-Zeitung  friendship  was  worth. 
At  the  next  city  election  the  Staats-Zeitung  (whose 
land  and  building  had  been  bought  by  the  city)  came 
out  for  George  B.  McClellan  as  the  best  mayor  New 
York  ever  had,  and  designated  every  one  a  traitor 
who  did  not  think  likewise.  The  friendship  of  the 
Staats  brought  bad  luck  to  McClellan,  who  only  got 
his  majority  by  several  hundred  votes,  and  even  at 
that  was  fought  by  his  opponent,  Hearst,  who  claimed 
for  himself  the  victory  and  threatened  to  have  a  re 
count  and  prove  that  a  well-known  printing  house  had 


206    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

printed  tickets  the  entire  night  after  the  election  so  as 
to  "correct"  the  unfortunate  result  for  McClellan. 

Things  went  even  worse  at  the  last  presidential 
election,  when  the  Staats-Zeitung  supported  the  Demo 
cratic  candidate,  Alton  B.  Parker.  After  the  Ger 
man  paper  had  declared,  two  days  before  the  election, 
that  the  country  would  send  him  to  the  White  House 
with  an  overwhelming  majority,  and  that  every  true 
German  would  cast  his  vote  for  him,  the  exact  oppo 
site  was  the  result  and  Alton  B.  Parker  disappeared 
from  the  political  stage  of  the  republic. 

It  was  during  the  last  presidential  campaign  that  the 
leading  New  York  spirits  of  Deutschtum  particularly 
clashed.  Carl  Schurz,  the  old  forty-eighter  whose  po 
litical  judgment  was  considered  in  the  German  circles 
on  both  sides  of  the  ocean  as  an  unfailing  oracle, 
gave  a  long  manifesto  against  Roosevelt,  whom  he 
likened  in  character  to  Chamberlin,  and  whom  he 
accused  in  all  his  action  of  having  thought  only  of 
his  personal  advantage.  In  the  camp  of  the  German 
Roosevelters  this  letter  called  forth  a  tremendous  in 
dignation,  and  Arthur  von  Briesen,  a  noted  New  York 
advocate,  who  had  likened  Roosevelt  to  a  "model  Ger 
man  citizen,"  answered  in  writing  wherein  he  criti 
cised  very  severely  Schurz'  political  acts,  accused  him 
of  political  unsteadiness  and  declared  in  harsh  words 
that  Schurz  had  always  rendered  his  services  for  a 
stated  sum.  It  was  also  proved  at  this  time  that 
Schurz'  son,  a  very  young  lawyer,  had  not  hesitated, 
as  the  juridical  representative  of  a  charitable  asso 
ciation,  the  German  "Rechtschutzvereins"  (Legal  Aid 
Society)  to  put  in  his  pocket  a  yearly  income  of  $6,000 
from  the  accumulated  savings  of  poor  Germans.  The 
controversy  became  very  heated  on  both  sides,  and 


PUZZLES  AND  POLITICS  207 

Carl  Schurz  did  not  get  the  best  of  it.  Such  occur 
rences  did  not  add  to  Germany's  credit  in  the  Anglo- 
American  circles  of  the  inhabitants. 

That  the  Germans  in  America  are  indifferent  and 
lukewarm  in  political  affairs,  is  an  incontrovertible 
fact,  which  both  parties  try  to  exploit  for  their  uses. 

The  true  "furor  teutonicus"  of  the  German-Ameri 
can  only  flames  forth  when  his  most  precious  posses 
sion  is  attacked — his  beer.  Then  he  becomes  as  wild 
as  a  "Berserker"  and  brings  about  at  the  polls  the  de 
struction  of  any  candidate  in  whom  he  sees  an  enemy 
of  his  personal  freedom,  namely,  the  freedom  to 
drink  beer,  as  often,  as  much,  and  as  long,  and  also 
on  Sunday,  as  he  wishes.  Because  under  the  Repub 
lican  mayor,  Seth  Low,  the  German  saloon-keepers  in 
New  York  were  oppressed,  Seth  Low  fell  when  he 
tried  for  office  a  second  time ;  and  the  Tammany  tiger, 
who,  in  violation  of  the  law  dating  from  the  time  of 
the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  allowed  the  Germans,  even  on 
Sunday,  to  slake  their  beer  thirst,  and  even  after  po 
lice  hours  to  enjoy  a  drop,  succeeded  in  electing  its 
whole  ticket,  with  the  help  of  the  German  beer 
drinkers. 

I  must  confess  that  I  look  upon  the  election  of 
George  B.  McClellan,  the  Tammany  leader,  as  a  ques 
tionable  service  of  which  I  am  in  no  wise  proud, 
though  I  was  instrumental  in  getting  him  into  office, 
as  shortly  before  voting  day  I  issued  a  campaign  news 
paper  in  the  German  language  and  wrote  an  article 
which  rallied  all  German  beer-drinkers  to  give  the 
Tammany  candidate  their  votes.  As  a  curious  exam 
ple  of  the  American  campaigning,  and  a  sample  of 
what  one  has  to  offer  the  German- American,  and  what 
he  accepts,  I  here  repeat  the  article: 


208     REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 


TO  THE  GERMANS  OF   NEW  YORK  I 

"The  dearest  interests  of  Germanism  are  at  stake  in  the 
election  on  November  3d.  Therefore,  think  well  before  cast 
ing  your  vote !  Two  candidates  are  seeking  your  votes  for 
the  office  of  mayor — the  one  the  candidate  of  the  Democratic 
party,  General  George  B.  McClellan;  the  other  the  Repub 
lican-Fusion  candidate,  Seth  Low,  our  one-time  'reform' 
mayor. 

"It  ought  not  to  be  difficult  to  choose  between  the  two 
men. 

"For  nearly  two  years,  now,  you  have  been  the  objects 
of  deliberate  persecution,  such  as  never  before  has  been 
known  in  the  city  of  New  York.  We  will  not  go  into  the 
details  of  the  unexampled  campaign  of  lies  and  deceptions 
which  won  for  the  present  mayor  the  'Fusion'  victory,  but 
we  will  remind  you  of  the  promises  which  this  man  gave  you 
and  has  broken  in  the  most  shameful  fashion. 

"Remember  how  Seth  Low,  before  his  election,  represented 
himself  as  a  partisan  of  free  and  liberal  views,  and  pre 
tended  to  be  your  particular  and  true  friend;  how  he  prom 
ised  a  liberal  rendering  of  the  assize  laws ;  how  he  gave  his 
word  that  your  harmless  Sunday  amusements  and  club  meet 
ings  would  not  be  interfered  with.  Remember  how  he  pre 
tended  the  deepest  interest  in  the  German  language,  art,  and 
customs,  and  how  he  promised  to  give  you  a  model  city 
administration,  without  partisanship ! 

"You  all  know  how  the  worst  era  of  the  most  arbitrary 
police  rules  and  regulations  has  been  instituted,  such  as  are 
not  to  be  seen  even  in  darkest  Siberia;  you  all  know  how 
the  Germans  have  been  declared  outlaws,  and  how  every  one 
was  marked  as  a  criminal  who  drank  his  glass  of  beer  on 
a  Sunday,  in  the  good  old  German  custom ;  how  the  German 
saloonkeepers  were  injured,  and  how  the  entertainments  in 
German  clubs  were  more  ruthlessly  oppressed  than  the  ques 
tionable  pleasures  of  the  'Tenderloin'  district. 

"You  all  know  how  Mayor  Seth  Low  refused  to  receive 
the  delegation  of  German  clubs,  and  added  his  voice  to  the 
lessening  of  the  instruction  of  German  in  the  public  schools, 
when  he  had  solemnly  bound  himself  not  to  lessen  it! 

"You  marvel  at  the  insecurity  of  the  streets  and  public 
places  of  the  city,  in  which  robberies  and  murder  are  the 
order  of  the  day?  And  yet  the  explanation  is  simple: 

"The  'reformed'  police,  under  the  guidance  of  the  worthy, 
if  disreputable,  'Asphalt'  General  Greene,  has  so  little  time 


PUZZLES  AND  POLITICS  209 

to  trouble  itself  about  the  criminal  rabble  because  its  leader 
is  giving  so  much  time  to  decent  people,  for  the  Germans 
must  be  persecuted.  Is  there  still  among  you  one  who  does 
not  know  for  whom  to  vote  on  November  3d?  Remember, 
if  by  your  act  the  'Honourable'  Low  is  returned  for  a  second 
term  as  mayor  of  New  York,  you  will  have  only  yourselves 
to  blame,  and  no  one  else. 

"In  his  re-election  you  would  justify  his  former  adminis 
tration  and  spur  him  on  to  still  further  and  more  shameless 
persecutions.  If  he  has  scourged  you  in  his  first  term,  in 
his  second  he  would  ^punish  you  with  scorpions  and  rob  you 
of  your  small  remaining  rights.  Think  well  of  what  you  are 
about  to  do !  Your  path  is  clear  before  you.  Think  and 
feel  as  Germans,  act  also  as  Germans ;  remember  the  warning 
of  your  immortal  countryman,  who  in  troubled  times  cried 
from  the  rostrum  of  the  German  Reichstag,  'We  Germans 
fear  God,  and  nothing  else  in  the  world !'  German  fellow 
citizens,  show  that  you  remember  this  adage,  and  that  you 
do  not  fear  the  Republican  fusion  'reform'  administration, 
which  treads  you  under  foot,  by  sending  it  and  its  entire 
ticket  to  the  devil  on  November  3d.  Germans !  Our  logical 
candidate  is  George  B.  McClellan.  Long  live  German  unity, 
and  down  with  all  enemies  of  the  German  cause !" 

In  the  same  number  of  this  campaign  newspaper,  I 
took  occasion  to  pay  closer  attention  to  "Hermann 
Ridder  and  the  New  Yorker  Staats-Zeltung"  and  the 
singular  attitude  displayed  by  him  in  the  election.  I 
wrote  at  that  time  (October,  1903)  : 

"The  peculiar  political  situation  has  placed  in  a 
very  false  position  our  esteemed  contemporary,  the 
New  Yorker  Staats-Zeitung  and  her  publisher,  Her 
mann  Ridder,  a  position  in  which  she  must  perform 
the  most  daring  feats  of  tight  rope  walking  in  order 
not  to  lose  her  balance. 

"Hardly  two  months  ago  Herr  Ridder  declared 
most  decidedly  that  Mr.  Low  under  no  condition  could 
be  elected  for  the  second  time  as  mayor  of  New 
York.  In  an  interview  with  Senator  Platt,  repro 
duced  in  the  Brooklyn  Eagle,  Herr  Ridder  expressed 


210    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

himself  regarding  Mayor  Low  in  a  fashion  which  left 
little  to  be  desired  for  clearness. 

"Hardly  two  months  after  this  utterance,  Hermann 
Ridder,  who  wants  to  be  a  Democrat,  contradicts  him 
self,  since  in  the  Staats-Zeitung,  which  pretends  to 
be  a  Democratic  organ,  he  comes  out  for  the  re-elec 
tion  of  the  Republican  'reform'  mayor,  of  whom  he 
himself  has  maintained  that  he  wanted  to  hand  over 
the  city  of  New  York  in  next  year's  national  and  state 
elections  to  the  Republicans!! 

"Sometimes  it  is  pretty  hard  not  to  write  a  satire. 

"Putting  it  mildly,  the  political  stand  taken  by  the 
Staats-Zcitung  during  the  last  year  is  remarkable. 
How  she  smote  herself  on  the  breast  two  years  ago 
when  the  Tammany  ticket  was  to  be  fought,  and  yet 
she  was  able  to  reconcile  it  with  her  conscience  to 
uphold  the  same  ticket  the  next  year  when  a  brother- 
in-law  of  Herr  Ridder,  Judge  Amend,  found  himself 
upon  it;  and  now  again  a  somersault!! 

"The  political  behaviour  of  the  New  York  Staats- 
Zeitung  is  a  riddle,  in  order  to  solve  which  even  her 
own  editors  would  have  to  break  their  learned  heads. 
We  ourselves  do  not  venture  on  the  problem.  But  in 
view  of  the  universal  interest  that  is  displayed  toward 
it  we  would  do  our  part  to  aid  in  the  solution ;  and  to 
that  end  we  promise  to  send  free  copies  of  this  paper 
for  a  year  to  all  those  happy  enough  to  solve  it." 

Just  two  years  later  the  New  York  Staats-Zeitung 
used  its  whole  influence  in  the  re-election  of  George  B. 
McClellan,  whom,  two  years  before,  it  had  fought  so 
bitterly.  Again  the  impotence  and  unreliability  of  the 
Staats  was  demonstrated,  but  what  did  it  matter? 
Hermann  Ridder  and  his  editor-in-chief  had  received 
before  election  large  guarantees.  The  municipal  ad 
vertising  patronage  is  always  worth  something,  and 


PUZZLES  AND  POLITICS  211 

Herr  von  Skal  received  a  municipal  position  with  a 
yearly  income  of  $5,000,  and  one  which  demanded 
none  of  his  time. 

I  have  seen  with  surprise  that  imperial  German  pa 
pers  of  the  first  class  have  published  political  news 
from  the  pen  of  Herr  von  Skal.  Herr  von  Skal  can 
in  no  way  be  taken  as  authority  for  American  affairs. 
He  is  a  journalist  condottieri,  whom  Hermann  Rid- 
der,  who  is  unversed  in  the  German  language,  can  use 
for  his  purposes  and  who  will  do  whatever  is  required 
of  him.  As  an  example :  At  the  time  of  the  Venezuela 
crisis,  when  leading  American  circles  were  asking 
anxiously  how  the  German  inhabitants  of  America 
would  side  in  the  event  of  a  war  between  Germany 
and  the  United  States,  Herr  von  Skal  was  speaker 
at  a  political  banquet  of  the  Society  of  the  Genesee. 
Amid  the  stormy  applause  of  those  present  he  de 
clared  that  the  Germans  in  America  would  under  all 
circumstances  remain  true  to  the  land  of  their  adop 
tion,  even  unto  death,  and  in  the  hour  of  need  would 
be  the  first  to  grasp  their  weapons  to  defend  their  new 
fatherland,  whoever  might  be  the  aggressor.  The 
New  York  Herald  had  a  long  article  about  this  cele 
bration,  of  which,  strange  to  say,  the  Staats  said  not 
one  little  word. 

Some  time  later  Herr  von  Skal  was  speaker  at  the 
consecration  of  a  new  flag  for  the  German  Warriors 
Club  in  New  York,  in  which  he  exhorted  those  pres 
ent,  his  "comrades,"  to  unswerving  fidelity  and  loyalty 
toward  the  old  victorious  colours.  This  was  reported 
in  full  by  the  Staats-Zeitung,  not  one  word  being 
omitted.  No  invitation  had  been  extended  to  the  New 
York  Herald. 

Herr  von  Skal  dominates  in  the  circles  of  the  New 
York  German  Press  Club,  which  is  entirely  dependent 


212     REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

for  its  existence  on  the  Staats-Zeitung,  but  outside  of 
that  he  is  not  taken  seriously  by  a  living  soul  in 
America. 

The  instances  here  given  may  suffice  as  examples 
of  the  character  of  the  German  press  in  America.  Far 
be  it  from  me  to  say  that  there  are  no  honourable  men 
among  the  German  knights  of  the  pen  in  the  United 
States,  but  unfortunately  they  are  in  the  minority  and 
are  not  able  to  keep  afloat  against  the  mighty  stream 
of  corruption.  As  dark  as  is  the  outlook  for  Ger 
manism  for  the  future,  so  also  is  that  of  the  German 
press  in  the  United  States,  which  with  it  will  sink  or 
swim. 


CHAPTER  XXII 


"HANDS  ACROSS  THE  SEA" 


"Hands  across  the  sea." — German-Americanism  once  and 
now. — German  prominence. — What  Germanism  in  America, 
before  the  decline,  could  have  saved. — Is  the  present  move 
ment  the  rising  or  the  setting  sun  of  Germanism? — The 
German-American  National  Union  of  the  United  States. — 
Outline  and  scope. — Connection  with  Pan-Germanism. — 
German  as  well  as  English  circles  mistrust  the  organisa 
tion. — Other  associations. — Will  Prince  Oscar  study  at 
Harvard  University? 

THE  United  States  is  at  present  the  centre  of  a  move 
ment  for  Germanism,  which  to  the  disinterested  has 
pathetic  interest.  Out  of  a  population  of  seventy-six 
millions,  there  are,  according  to  the  last  census,  about 
three  million  German  born.  These  three  million  em 
body  the  old  guard  which  would  die  rather  than  sur 
render.  When  they  emigrated,  circumstances  were 
quite  different  from  those  existing  to-day.  In  those 
days  any  one  was  welcome  who  had  a  pair  of  strong 
arms,  no  matter  whence  he  came.  The  Revolution  of 
1848  drove  hundreds  of  thousands  of  Germans,  edu 
cated,  well-to-do  and  willing  to  work,  across  the  ocean 
to  the  land  of  freedom  and  equality.  They  opened  up 
the  unlimited  American  West,  built  towns  in  which  the 
German  element  predominated,  founded  newspapers, 
churches,  schools,  cultivated  the  German  language, 
and  built  up,  so  to  speak,  a  state  within  a  state,  a  "lit 
tle  Germany"  in  the  great  Republic.  Some  hotheads 
among  them,  who  understood  American  customs  and 

213 


214  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

American  institutions,  went  in  for  politics,  which  was 
paved  with  gold  for  them.  The  majority,  however, 
took  little  interest  in  public  life,  but  went  quietly  about 
their  own  business,  and,  as  a  recreation  from  the  toils 
of  the  day,  devoted  their  evenings  in  the  old  German 
style  to  music  and  beer.  They  read  regularly  the 
"news  from  Germany,  Austria  and  Switzerland/' 
wherein  they  sought  all  the  events  of  the  old  home, 
even  in  the  smallest  towns  and  villages ;  kept  track  of 
the  death  notices,  so  as  to  know  if  a  dear  friend  or 
relative  had  died,  and  left  everything  else  to  God. 
And  why  not  ?  They  were  so  much  better  off  than  in 
the  old  home.  Their  property  increased,  their  noses 
reddened,  their  stomachs  rounded  out,  and  it  was  not 
long  before  they  began  to  belong  to  the  German 
"prominency"  whose  doings  the  local  German  press  re 
tailed,  whose  pictures  appeared  on  all  occasions,  suit 
able  and  otherwise,  and  from  whose  hand  the  report 
ers,  who  once  in  Germany  had  carried  the  Emperor's 
coat,  or  had  belonged  to  some  such  high  calling,  were 
not  loath  to  accept,  with  a  respectful  bow,  a  tip. 

In  this  cringing  before  the  so-called  "German 
prominency"  is  to  be  found  one  of  the  principal  rea 
sons  why  the  German  press  in  America  is  so  little 
respected.  I  especially  name  the  evening  editions  of 
the  New  Yorker  Staats-Zeitung  and  the  New  Yorker 
Herold  as  particularly  blameworthy.  So  it  happens 
that  every  club  steward  believes  he  has  the  right  to 
have  his  picture,  his  name,  and  a  detailed  description 
of  his  deeds  and  those  of  his  family  appear  in  every 
German  newspaper. 

For  several  years  the  intelligent  Germans  in  Amer 
ica  have  seen  the  inevitable  ruin.  The  emigration,  at 
one  time  so  large,  with  the  increase  of  prosperity  in 
the  German  Empire,  has  become  less,  and  the  sons 


"HANDS  ACROSS  THE  SEA"  215 

and  daughters  born  in  the  new  home  have  grown  up 
Americans  who  think,  feel  and  act  as  such  and  have 
no  desire  to  know  more  of  the  old  fatherland,  hard 
as  their  parents  may  try  to  make  them  see  things  after 
their  own  ideas. 

"Very  often  Oswald  Ottendorfer,  Paul  Loeser,  the 
owner  and  editor-in-chief  of  the  New  Yorker  Staats- 
Zeitung,  and  I  have  sat  with  our  heads  together,"  so 
William  Steinway,  head  of  the  New  York  piano  house, 
told  me,  "and  discussed  ways  and  means  as  to  how 
to  prevent  the  decline  of  Germanism  in  America. 
Herr  Ottendorfer  and  Herr  Loeser  well  knew  that 
every  death  notice  which  they  announced  in  their  pa 
pers  meant  for  them  one  less  subscription.  And  not 
only  a  loss  for  the  German  paper,  but  also  for  the 
German  school  and  German  church.  The  German 
churches,  at  one  time  so  well  patronised  in  all  parts 
of  the  country,  now  gape  in  their  emptiness,  and  most 
preachers  are  forced  to  give  their  sermons  in  English, 
as  the  younger  generation  understand  only  English. 
The  only  thing  which  would  help  Germanism  in  the 
United  States  and  give  it  new  life  would  be  a  war  be 
tween  the  two  countries  or  a  revolution  in  the  Ger 
man  Empire.  But  these  are  possibilities  for  which  we 
do  not  hope  or  wait  and  which  must  not  come  into  our 
calculations." 

The  principal  reason  for  the  astonishing  movement, 
which  for  several  years  the  prominent  Anglo-Ameri 
can  statesmen  in  Washington  have  thought  to  notice, 
is  the  rapid  loss  of  power  which  American  Germanism 
has  sustained  by  reason  of  the  death  of  the  first  im 
migrants. 

When,  however,  the  historian  of  this  movement 
likened  it  to  a  "serene  sunrise  in  the  eastern  sky  of  the 
twentieth  century,"  I  should  like  to  contradict  him, 


2i6     REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

even  at  the  risk  of  being  called  a  heretic  on  account 
of  my  views  and  of  being  sent  to  the  funeral  pile. 
This  movement  does  not  give  the  impression  of  a 
"serene  sunrise,"  but  that  of  a  brilliant  sunset,  whose 
brilliance  is  reflected  in  the  firmament  for  a  long 
period  after  the  day  has  ended.  What  we  see  and 
are  experiencing  is  the  heroic  death  struggle  of  the 
legion,  which  is  stationed  at  a  lost  post  and  is  moving 
toward  an  unavoidable  fate.  "Ave,  Caesar,  morituri 
te  salutant !" 

Born  in  the  stormy  times  of  the  Spanish-American 
war,  the  movement  toward  Germanism  in  the  United 
States  continued  to  increase  in  ever-greater  circles. 
After  having  proved  its  power  by  preventing  the  ad 
ministration  in  Washington  from  embarrassing  devel 
opments  with  the  German  Empire,  nothing  lay  nearer 
to  their  hearts  than  the  thought  of  organising  into  a 
solid  whole,  which  no  party  in  the  country  would  be 
able  to  despise  without  fear  of  punishment. 

On  "German  Day,"  October  6,  1901,  the  German 
ism  of  America  was  assembled  in  Philadelphia,  Penn 
sylvania,  and  on  that  day  the  German-American  Na 
tional  Union  of  the  United  States  of  America  was 
established.  Professor  Kern  wrote  of  it: 

"The  representatives  of  twenty-two  states,  twice  as  many 
as  concurred  at  the  founding  of  the  United  States,  com 
pleted  the  work  of  organisation.  Their  names  belong  to 
history;  only  posterity  will  know  how  to  appreciate  what 
those  men  began  on  that  memorable  day." 

What  the  object  of  the  organisation  is  will  best  be 
understood  by  its  maxims  and  constitution.  I  shall 
give  both,  as  they  will  be  of  extraordinary  interest  to 
the  reader  of  this  book: 

"The  German-American  National  Union  of  the  United 
States  of  America  is  composed  of  state  unions  of  German 


"HANDS  ACROSS  THE  SEA"  217 

clubs.  The  object  of  the  union  is  to  awaken  and  promote 
a  feeling  of  unity  in  the  inhabitants  of  America  of  German 
origin,  to  a  useful  and  healthful  development  of  their  indi 
vidual  power,  which,  when  centralised,  will  be  an  energetic, 
mutual  protection  for  such  rights  and  interests  as  are  not 
contrary  to  the  common  good  of  the  country,  and  the  rights 
and  duties  of  those  born  in  the  country  for  the  defence 
against  native  encroachments;  for  the  cultivation  and  secur 
ing  of  good,  friendly  relations  between  America  and  the  old 
German  Fatherland.  What  the  German  immigration  has 
done  for  the  advance  of  the  intellectual  and  commercial 
development  of  this  country,  and  is  further  called  upon  to 
accomplish,  how  they  have  always  been  true  in  good  and 
bad  times,  is  known  in  history. 

"The  organisation,  therefore,  demands  full  and  honourable 
acknowledgment  of  these  services,  and  will  fight  any  attempt 
to  belittle  them.  Always  true  to  the  adopted  fatherland, 
always  ready  to  give  their  best  for  it ;  good,  honourable,  and 
unselfish  in  the  performance  of  their  citizen's  duties;  sub 
missive  to  the  laws — must  still  be  the  watchword. 

"The  object  is  not  the  founding  of  a  state  within  a  state, 
but  sees  in  the  union  of  the  people  of  German  origin  the 
shortest  way  and  the  best  defence  for  the  attainment  of  its 
object.  It  therefore  summons  all  German  clubs — as  the 
organised  representatives  of  Germanism — to  work  for  their 
sound,  strong  development;  and  suggests,  therefore,  further, 
the  establishing  of  clubs  for  the  maintenance  of  the  interests 
of  German-Americans  in  all  states  of  the  Union  for  the  final 
centralising  of  the  same  into  a  great  German-American 
union;  and  it  should  be  the  solemn  duty  of  all  German  clubs 
to  belong  to  the  organisation  of  their  state. 

"The  union  pledges  itself  by  all  possible  lawful  means  to 
maintain  and  disseminate  its  principles  and  strongly  to  de 
fend  them  where  and  whenever  in  danger. 

"It  next  proposes  the  following  platform : 

"i.  The  union — as  such — holds  itself  aloof  from  mixing 
in  party  politics,  yet  without  prejudice  to  the  right  and  the 
duty  of  defending  its  principles,  even  in  the  sphere  of  poli 
tics,  should  these  be  threatened  or  in  danger  through  political 
attack  or  means. 

"2.    Religious  matters  and  questions  are  strictly  debarred. 

"3.  It  recommends  the  introduction  of  the  instruction  of 
the  German  language  in  the  public  schools  on  the  following 
basis:  Next  to  English,  the  German  tongue  is  the  world 
language  in  the  most  obscure  portions  of  the  world;  wher- 


218     REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

ever  the  pioneer  has  penetrated  with  commerce  and  civilisa 
tion,  there  we  find  both  languages  are  represented. 

"4.  We  live  in  an  age  of  progress  and  discoveries.  The 
tempo  of  these  days  is  fast,  and  pitiless  in  the  demands 
made  on  the  individual.  The  bodily  exertion  connected 
therewith  increases  the  demands  on  the  bodily  strength.  A 
healthy  mind  should  dwell  in  a  healthy  body. 

"For  these  reasons  it  is  the  object  of  the  organisation  to 
introduce  into  all  public  schools  a  systematic  and  purposeful 
gymnasium  instruction. 

"5.  It  further  stands  for  the  separation  of  the  schools 
from  politics,  as  only  a  free  educational  concern  is  able  to 
offer  to  the  people  a  true  institution  of  learning. 

"6.  It  demands  of  all  Germans  to  become  citizens  as 
soon  as  the  law  allows,  to  take  an  active  part  in  public 
affairs,  and  fearlessly  and  according  to  their  own  judgment 
to  do  their  duty  at  the  elections. 

"7.  It  recommends  liberal,  up-to-date  enforcement  or  the 
repeal  of  such  laws  as  needlessly  render  the  acquirement  of 
citizenship  difficult  or  impossible.  Good  reputation,  decent 
public  life,  love  of  law,  should  decide  the  matter,  not  the 
answering  of  a  lot  of  inane  political  or  historical  questions, 
which  frequently  embarrass  the  applicant. 

"8.  It  takes  a  stand  against  any  restriction  of  the  immi 
gration  of  healthy  persons  from  Europe,  with  the  exception 
of  criminals  and  anarchists. 

"9.  It  recommends  the  suppression  of  such  old  laws  as 
are  no  longer  suitable  to  the  times,  which  hinder  free  com 
merce  and  confine  personal  freedom. 

"10.  It  recommends  the  establishment  of  educational  cen 
ters  as  places  for  cultivating  the  German  language  and  liter 
ature,  for  the  instruction  of  those  anxious  to  learn,  and  for 
the  holding  of  lectures  on  art  and  science  and  questions  of 
universal  interest. 

"u.  It  recommends  a  systematic  investigation  of  the 
assistance  of  the  Germans  in  the  development  of  their 
adopted  country  in  war  and  peace,  in  all  departments  of 
German-American  activities,  from  the  earliest  days,  for  the 
founding  and  furthering  of  a  German-American  history. 

"12.  It  reserves  for  itself  the  right  to  extend  or  complete 
this  platform,  if  there  appear  new  events  which  would  make 
it  desirable  or  necessary." 

Naturally  these  axioms  must  be  taken  with  a  grain 
of  salt.  For  example,  the  first  paragraph  of  the  Na- 


"HANDS  ACROSS  THE  SEA"  219 

tional  Organisation  states  that  the  organisation  will 
remain  out  of  politics — it  speaks  only  of  mixing  in 
party  disputes — but  that,  on  the  contrary,  it  reserves 
the  right  to  defend  its  principles,  should  these  become 
endangered  by  attacks  in  the  political  arena.  How 
could  the  organisation  be  so  blind  as  to  believe  that 
it  would  be  able  to  arrive  at  its  end  by  spiritual  means 
alone!  No,  the  American  politician  is  awed  only  by 
a  powerful  number  of  votes  at  the  polls. 

Some  estimate  as  to  the  usefulness  of  the  organisa 
tion  up  to  the  present  time  may  be  of  general  interest. 
It  developed  an  energetic  agitation  for  the  interven 
tion  of  the  government  of  the  United  States  in  the 
war  between  England  and  the  Boers,  and  presented 
for  that  purpose  a  petition  to  Congress,  which,  accord 
ing  to  the  secretary  of  the  organisation,  weighed  more 
than  four  hundred  pounds  and  would,  if  put  together, 
have  been  more  than  five  miles  long. 

The  president  of  the  National  Organisation,  Dr. 
Hexamer,  at  that  time  made  this  memorable  remark  to 
the  Republican  members  of  the  House  Committee  for 
Foreign  Affairs:  "Should  you  not  allow  this  peti 
tion  to  go  further,  should  you  bury  it  among  old  bills, 
then  I  assure  you  that  you  will  lose  the  whole  of  the 
million  votes  of  the  German- American  national  or 
ganisation  1" 

In  spite  of  this  threat,  which  appeared  in  large  type 
in  all  the  Anglo-American  papers  of  the  country,  the 
petition  was  doomed  to  obscurity  and  nothing  was 
heard  of  it. 

When  General  McArthur  made  the  speech  in  which 
he  announced  that  America's  next  war  would  be  with 
Germany,  the  organisation  sent  the  chauvinistic  gen 
eral  an  open  letter  in  which  his  punishment  was  de 
manded  of  the  government.  This  communication  of 


220  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

the  organisation  shared  the  same  fate  as  the  Boer 
petition,  and  nothing  further  was  heard  of  it. 

The  organisation  also  took  up  the  question  of  per 
sonal  liberty;  that  is,  the  freedom  for  the  unlimited 
buying  of  beer  and  whiskey  on  Sundays,  but  again 
with  little  or  no  result. 

It  should  be  emphasised  that  the  appearance  of  the 
organisation  in  the  country's  politics  was  regarded 
even  by  German-Americans  with  some  doubts  and 
misgivings.  The  New  York  Staats-Zeitung  made 
open  expression  of  these  views,  and  several  papers  of 
the  interior  states,  especially  Ohio,  protested  on  sev 
eral  occasions  against  the  meddling  of  the  organi 
sation  in  politics.  Especially  suspected  of  the  alliance 
was  its  union  with  the  "Alldeutschen  Verband,"  which 
it  had  openly  admitted. 

The  man  at  the  head  of  the  national  organisa 
tion  (Alliance),  Dr.  Hexamer,  was  born  of  German 
parents  in  America  and  was  an  engineer  by  profes 
sion.  How  he  conceived  the  idea  of  becoming  the  sa 
viour  of  Germanism  in  America  is  described  by  the 
honourable  pan-German  journalist,  H.  F.  Urban,  very 
dramatically,  as  follows :  "The  oldest  German  Amer 
icans  can  still  remember  the  time  when  the  German 
in  America  was  freely  termed,  'damned  Dutchman' 
and  was  exposed  to  open  insults  as  well  as  attacks.  Dr. 
Hexamer  likewise  experienced  this.  As  the  son  of 
Germans  he  was  dubbed  'Dutchman'  and  taunted  by 
the  boys  of  the  school,  as  is  indeed  still  the  custom. 
But  since  he  had  brought  with  himself  into  the  world 
hard  German  fists,  he  did  not  allow  the  insults  to  pass, 
but  replied  to  his  tormentors  with  a  vim.  Not  only 
that,  but  other  German  comrades  came  to  his  assist 
ance,  boys  who  had  been  similarly  mistreated.  It  was 
almost  the  familiar  story  of  Moses'  youth,  of  which 


"HANDS  ACROSS  THE  SEA"  221 

the  Bible  says :  'And  it  came  to  pass  in  those  days 
when  Moses  was  grown,  that  he  went  out  unto  his 
brethren,  and  looked  on  their  burdens;  and  he  spied 
an  Egyptian  smiting  an  Hebrew,  one  of  his  brethren. 
And  he  looked  this  way  and  that  way,  and  when  he 
saw  that  there  was  no  man,  he  slew  the  Egyptian  and 
hid  him  in  the  sand.'  So  far  as  this,  it  is  true,  Hexa- 
mer  did  not  go.  But  his  anger  and  resentment  of  the 
treatment  of  all  Germans  and  of  all  German  things 
were,  without  doubt,  just  as  strong.  The  determina 
tion  grew  up  in  him  to  oppose  this  contemptuous  at 
titude  toward  Germans  with  other  weapons  than  fists." 

The  German-American  Historical  Society  stands 
in  very  close  relation  to  the  organisation  and  is  an 
offshoot  of  the  "German  Propaganda  for  America." 
It  seeks  in  all  parts  of  the  country  for  traces  of  Ger 
man  activities,  so  as  to  gather  them  systematically  to 
gether  and  publish  them  in  its  monthly  magazine, 
American  Germanica.  One  department  of  the  Histor 
ical  Society  is  the  Ethnographical  Society,  which,  hav 
ing  special  regard  to  the  German  elements,  investi 
gates  the  ethnographical  state  of  the  country. 

In  close  unity  with  the  Historical  Society  there  is 
another  society  which  completes  it,  in  that  it  has  set 
itself  the  task  of  bringing  to  the  notice  of  the  Ger 
man  element,  as  well  as  the  citizens  of  other  ancestry, 
the  great  "kultur  work"  of  the  Germans  in  their  en 
tire  history  from  the  earliest  times  to  the  present. 
This  is  the  "Germanic  Museum  Association"  in  Cam 
bridge,  Massachusetts,  which  has  been  established  un 
der  the  auspices  of  the  old  and  honourable  Harvard 
University,  the  mother  of  all  Anglo-American  culture, 
and  which  appeals  to  cultivated  Americanism  and  in 
directly  seeks  to  win  through  it  a  policy  friendly  to 
Germany. 


222  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

It  was  Professor  Miinsterberg  who  proposed  this 
society,  to  my  knowledge,  though  it  is  generally 
thought  to  have  been  Professor  Kuno  Franke.  It  is 
also  possible  that  the  Kaiser  decided,  at  the  instance 
of  both  professors,  upon  the  magnificent  endowment 
of  plaster  casts  of  Germanic  antiquities,  which  is  the 
origin  of  the  Germanic  Museum  at  Harvard.  It  would 
be  another  expression  of  the  particular  satisfaction  the 
emperor  feels  toward  Professor  Miinsterberg,  who  al 
ready  has  been  decorated  with  the  first-class  order  of 
the  Red  Eagle,  if,  as  certain  papers  announce,  Prince 
Oscar,  the  fifth  son  of  the  emperor,  was  to  matriculate 
as  a  student  at  Harvard  University  and  in  democratic 
fashion  take  his  place  at  the  feet  of  Professor  Miin 
sterberg  among  American  students. 

Will  Prince  Oscar  take  this  journey? 


CHAPTER  XXIII 

SOME  SOCIAL  ORGANISATIONS 

The  Central  Alliance  of  German  Veterans'  and  Soldiers' 
Societies  of  North  America. — Its  fundamental  declaration. 
— Hand  in  hand  with  the  National  Union. — Richard  Miil- 
ler,  a  one-time  Prussian  subaltern,  the  man  at  the  head. — 
He  had  been  received  by  the  Kaiser  and  Prince  Henry 
personally,  and  corresponded  confidentially  with  the  highest 
German  officials. — The  German  soldiers'  societies  in  Amer 
ica  recipients  of  numerous  distinctions  from  the  Kaiser 
and  the  German  princes. — Visits  of  German  battleships  to 
American  harbours. — Telegrams  of  greeting  made  to  or 
der. — Portraits  of  the  German  princes,  flags,  and  orders 
find  their  way  across  the  ocean. — If  two  do  the  same  thing 
it  is  not  always  the  same. — What  is  right  for  the  Germans 
in  America  should  be  so  for  the  Poles,  Danes,  and  French 
in  the  German  Empire. 

ANALOGOUS  to  the  organisation  of  the  "German  Na 
tional  Union,"  there  was  another  started  which  was 
in  the  closest  connection  with  it,  namely,  the  "Central 
Alliance  of  German  Veterans'  and  Soldiers'  Societies 
of  North  America,"  which  accepted  into  its  organisa 
tion  only  those  Germans  who  had  received  honourable 
dismissal  from  the  German  army  or  navy  and  could 
prove  this  by  a  document.  The  fundamental  rules  of 
the  organisation  bore  great  likeness  to  those  of  the 
"National  Union."  I  give  them  below: 

"The  Alliance  must  be  the  united,  powerful,  finished  whole 
for  all  German  soldier  clubs  of  the  United  States,  with  the 
object  of  creating  everywhere  in  our  adopted  country  a 
genuine  feeling  of  German  comradeship  and  a  future  of 
proud  brotherhood  of  arms  in  Germany's  sturdy  population. 

223 


224  REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

All  questions  that  are  of  special  interest  to  the  German 
soldiers'  clubs,  as  also  to  Germanism  in  general  and  its  ideal 
blessings,  such  as  pertain  to  language,  manners  and  customs, 
belong  to  the  domain  of  the  powerful,  efficient  assistance  of 
the  Central  Union." 

Still  another  and  quite  particularly  noble  object 
which  the  Alliance  has  in  view  is  always  to  be  a 
mighty  support  and  a  strong  power  for  preventing 
an  interruption  of  the  strong  friendship  which  has 
existed  for  more  than  a  hundred  years  between  Ger 
many  and  the  United  States.  All  lawful  means,  such 
as  lectures,  readings  and  agitations,  will  be  employed. 
To  preserve  the  friendly  relations  between  the  two 
powerful  culture  countries,  for  the  good  of  both,  are 
among  the  objects  of  the  "Central  Alliance." 

VERY  IMPORTANT  is  the  point  in  the  constitution 
which  states  that  the  "Central  Alliance"  shall  work 
hand  in  hand  with  the  "German-American  National 
Union"  as  far  as  their  interests  lie  in  common,  and 
these  are  very  many. 

The  American  army  in  time  of  peace  is  estimated 
at  one  hundred  thousand — on  paper.  The  "Central 
Alliance  of  German  Soldiers'  Societies"  is,  how 
ever,  so  strong  that  from  its  own  ranks  it  can  set 
against  each  active  American  soldier  two  or  three,  yes, 
even  more,  German  veterans.  At  the  head  of  this  im 
pressive  German  army  in  the  United  States  is  the 
president,  Richard  Miiller,  a  born  plotter  and  organ 
iser,  and  a  former  Prussian  artillery  officer,  and  who 
has  had  the  honour  of  being  personally  received  by  the 
emperor  and  Prince  Henry,  and  who  is  in  communi 
cation  with  the  highest  German  army  and  navy  offi 
cers  on  a  footing  of  comradeship,  and  whose  word  is 
law  for  the  hundred  thousand  old  German  warriors 
in  the  United  States.  A  little  big  man,  this  Richard 


SOME  SOCIAL  ORGANISATIONS         225 

Mtiller,  whose  side  occupation  is  that  of  saloon  keeper, 
and  even  though  he  is  a  confidant  of  the  emperor  is 
not  ashamed  to  offer  his  guests  a  glass  of  beer  with 
his  own  hand!  A  year  ago  Admiral  Bikhsel  made  it 
possible  for  Richard  Miiller  to  be  in  the  Emperor's 
suite  on  the  occasion  of  the  great  fall  parade  at  the 
Tempelhofen  Felde.  A  cablegram  to  the  New  York 
Staats-Zeitung  gave  a  report  of  this  important  exploit 
the  following  day: 

"Mr.  Miiller  drove  in  Admiral  Buchsel's  carriage  to  the 
field,  where  the  carriage  stood  directly  behind  that  of  the 
Emperor.  Prince  Pless  introduced  Mr.  Miiller  to  the  Em 
peror,  who  gave  him  his  hand  from  his  horse's  back,  and 
invited  him  to  the  castle  after  the  parade. 

"There  the  Emperor  greeted  heartily  the  comrade  of  the 
'Central  Alliance  of  German  Veterans  and  Soldiers'  Societies 
of  North  America.'  When  the  Emperor  heard  that  Miiller 
had  served  in  the  artillery,  he  asked  him  if  the  American 
artillery  were  as  good  as  the  German.  The  Emperor  ex 
pressed  his  pleasure  over  the  telegram  of  greeting  which 
had  been  sent  by  the  'Central  Alliance/  and  asked  Mr.  Miiller : 
'How  many  are  you  over  there?  Do  you  come  together 
often?'  At  parting,  the  Emperor  extended  his  hand  once 
more  to  Herr  Miiller.  The  Emperor  was  in  the  most  jovial 
humour  during  the  interview  with  Mr.  Miiller,  and  at  the 
parting  invited  Mr.  Miiller  to  be  present  at  the  Zapfenstreich 
in  the  evening." 

A  noble  spirit  of  comradeship  bridges  over  the 
chasm  between  the  active  vice  admiral  and  the  for 
mer  Prussian  under-officer.  Richard  Miiller  is  the 
happy  possessor  of  letters  from  many  high  official 
personalities  of  the  German  Empire,  among  others 
such  a  one  as  Vice  Admiral  Biichsel,  which  he  himself 
had  published  in  the  New  York  Deutschen  Presse. 
I  give  it  below : 

"Berlin,  January  17,  1902. 
"My  very  esteemed  Mr.  President: 

"Again  this  year  I  have  received  the  best  wishes  of  the 
comrades  of  the  'Soldiers'  Societies'  for  a  happy  New  Year. 


226     REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

I  wish  to  express  my  hearty  thanks,  and  return  your  true, 
comradely  wishes  most  heartily.  May  the  Union,  under  the 
trusty  leadership  of  the  nine  times  re-elected  president,  con 
tinue  to  be  a  rock  of  defence  for  true  German  opinions  and 
German  customs ! 

"The  coming  reception  of  his  Imperial  Highness  Prince 
Henry  of  Prussia,  on  which  occasion  the  German  Soldiers' 
Societies  will  take  a  leading  part,  will  recall  to  my  mind 
the  time  I  spent  in  New  York,  almost  nine  years  ago,  and 
especially  the  day  when,  on  the  deck  of  the  Kaiserin  Augusta, 
you,  honoured  Mr.  President,  offered  me,  at  the  head  of 
the  comrades,  a  memento  of  the  society.  Since  that  time 
there  have  been  many  changes,  here  as  there,  but  one  thing 
has  remained,  which  is  the  true  loyalty  of  the  members  of 
the  Union  to  the  old  home  and  their  adherence  to  German 
customs  and  German  comradeship. 

"I  hope  also  that  his  Imperial  Highness,  the  Prince  Ad 
miral,  in  spite  of  his  short  stay  and  the  many  demands  which 
will  be  made  on  his  time,  will  have  an  opportunity  of  greet 
ing  the  comrades,  and  therefore  I  have  made  his  Imperial 
Highness,  Excellency  von  Seckendorff,  acquainted  with  the 
object  and  work  of  the  Union  by  sending  him  a  copy  of  the 
report  of  the  sailing  of  the  Deutschland,  a  report  of  the 
founding  and  activities  of  the  Union,  and  a  copy  of  the 
statutes. 

"I  hope,  therefore,  that  this  first  sending  of  a  Hohenzollern 
prince  to  the  United  States  will  assist  in  raising  the  position 
of  the  Alliance  and  increase  the  desire  of  all  members  to 
hold  true  to  the  principles. 

"I  remain,  honoured  President,  with  best  thanks  for  your 
faithful  reports,  and  a  greeting  to  all  the  comrades, 
"Yours  truly, 

"BliCHSEL, 

"Vice  Admiral." 


Without  in  the  least  wishing  to  doubt  the  spirit  of 
true  allegiance  to  America,  which  the  members  of  the 
German  Sodiers'  Societies  so  often  insist  upon;  with 
out  any  motive  of  bringing  into  question  the  distinc 
tions  and  attentions  which  they  have  received  in  the 
past  few  years  from  official  German  places,  it  still 
must  be  freely  and  openly  stated  that  this  intercourse 
between  official  Germany  and  the  Emperor's  subjects 


SOME  SOCIAL  ORGANISATIONS         227 

who  have  emigrated  to  America,  whether  these  have 
become  citizens  under  the  stars  and  stripes  or  not,  is 
sowing  the  seed  of  serious  complications  with  the  gov 
ernment  in  Washington,  for  incidents  not  seen  in  ad 
vance  and  not  to  be  foreseen,  which  might  over  night 
bring  the  two  powers  into  serious  difficulties.  From 
the  imperialistic  German  and  pan-Germanistic  point  of 
view,  it  is  naturally  very  gratifying  when  the  Em 
peror,  who  once  declared  that  every  German  in  for 
eign  parts  might  have  recourse  to  his  protection,  re 
members  his  former  subjects  and  sends  them  flags  in 
the  German  colours,  sashes,  orders,  medals,  monu 
ments  and  such  proofs  of  his  favour. 

But  let  us  look  at  the  matter  from  a  purely  Amer 
ican  point  of  view,  and  these  occurrences  will  appear  in 
quite  a  different  light.  I  give  below  a  few  reports  on 
the  dedicating  of  flags,  etc.,  which  I  have  taken  word 
for  word  from  German-American  papers.  They  will 
speak  equally  for  friend  and  foe. 

When  the  first  flag  ever  presented  by  Kaiser  Wil- 
helm  II  was  received  by  the  "Central  Union  of  the 
German  Military  Clubs  of  Chicago  and  Vicinity," 
the  German  Ambassador,  Dr.  von  Holleben,  made  the 
following  remarks : 

"A  greeting  from  the  German  Kaiser!  That  is  the  cry 
with  which  I  step  before  you.  His  Majesty,  my  gracious 
master,  has  commissioned  me  to  give  to  the  German  Military 
Union  of  Chicago  the  flag  which  it  has  so  long  and  ardently 
desired,  and  with  the  message  that  it  is  to  remain  for  one 
year  with  each  of  the  clubs  which  belong  to  the  Central 
Union.  The  flag  is  a  token  of  favour  and  recognition  by 
which  the  German  emperor,  in  love  and  friendliness,  thinks 
of  those  who  once  have  served  in  the  German  army;  of 
those,  many  of  whom  have  drawn  the  sword  for  the  Father 
land,  and  many  have  shed  their  blood  for  it. 

"This  flag  shall  be  a  symbol  of  German  fidelity,  of  German 
manliness,  and  the  honour  of  the  German  soldier.  His 


228     REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

Majesty  begs  you,  as  former  Germans,  and  now  as  Ameri 
cans,  to  accept  this  flag  as  a  true  sign  of  the  unity  and  har 
mony  which  should  reign  among  all  German  soldiers,  and 
begs  you  still  further  that  in  distant  countries  you  should 
preserve  German  fidelity  and  German  sense  of  duty,  and  that 
you  should  take  as  your  rule  of  conduct  the  saying  of  a  great 
German  man,  which  runs:  'We  Germans  fear  God,  and 
nothing  else  in  the  world !'  Let  the  flag  wave,  then.  In  this 
moment  of  enthusiasm  let  us  give  the  cry  which  must  now 
be  fluttering  on  the  lip  of  every  old  German  soldier:  'His 
Majesty,  the  German  Kaiser,  Wilhelm  the  Second.  Hurrah ! 
Hurrah  !  Hurrah  !'  " 

The  flag  is  made  of  white  silk,  and  has  .stripes  in  the 
German  colors.  One  side  is  the  German  imperial  eagle,  with 
the  legend :  "With  God,  for  Kaiser  and  Country."  On  the 
other  side  is  embroidered  the  Prussian  eagle.  Under  both 
I  coats  of  arms  are  to  be  found  little  star-spangled  banners. 
The  dedication  runs:  "Consecrated  to  the  Central  Alliance 
of  Soldiers'  Clubs,  by  his  Majesty  William  II." 

On  the  thirtieth  anniversary  festival  of  the  Ger 
man  Soldiers  Club  of  Chicago,  the  oldest  club  of  the 
kind  in  the  United  States,  both  imperial  flags  aroused 
great  admiration,  namely,  that  of  Kaiser  Wilhelm  I 
belonging  to  the  Soldiers  Club,  and  that  of  Wilhelm 
II  belonging  to  the  central  organisation  of  German 
military  clubs.  From  the  fest-platz  the  following  tele 
gram  was  sent  to  the  Emperor: 

"The  German  Soldiers'  Club  of  Chicago,  the  oldest  in  the 
United  States,  upon  which,  in  1876,  our  hero,  Emperor  Wil 
helm  I,  most  graciously  bestowed  a  flag,  sends  on  the  occa 
sion  of  its  thirtieth  anniversary,  by  decree  of  the  twenty 
thousand  present,  a  most  dutiful  greeting." 

A  flag  with  similar  inscriptions  was  presented  by 
the  German  consul  in  St.  Louis  to  the  "German  Mili 
tary  Club"  there.  In  an  address  as  to  the  intention 
and  purpose  of  the  giver,  the  consul  made  the  follow 
ing  remarks: 

"This  splendid  flag  might  and  will  exhort  you  to  preserve 
a  faithful  adherence  to  the  old  Fatherland;  to  keep  up  the 


SOME  SOCIAL  ORGANISATIONS         229 

German  language,  and  to  teach  it  to  your  families;  it  will 
also  spur  you  to  imitate  those  virtues  by  which  the  German 
army  has  been  distinguished  at  all  times :  Loyalty,  bravery, 
a  sense  of  duty,  discipline.  Hold  fast  to  these  virtues,  and 
with  your  adherence  to  the  old  you  will  be  good  and  useful 
citizens  of  your  new  Fatherland." 

Besides  a  telegram  of  thanks  to  the  Emperor,  one 
was  also  sent  to  Prince  Henry.  The  latter  had  been 
the  means  of  procuring  the  imperial  gift  for  the  club. 

During  the  St.  Louis  Exposition,  a  soldiers'  fes 
tival  was  celebrated  in  "The  German  Building,"  on 
which  occasion  the  Emperor  was  sent  a  congratulatory 
telegram,  to  which  was  received  the  following  answer : 

"Mr.   Carl   Schmidt,  Chairman  of  the  Central  Alliance  of 

German  Veterans,  St.  Louis: 

"His  Majesty,  the  German  Emperor,  heartily  thanks  you 
for  your  telegram  of  homage,  and  hopes  that  the  organisa 
tion  of  German  veterans  and  warriors  will  still  further  pre 
serve  their  love  for  the  old  home  and  their  allegiance  to  the  fl 
German  army,  in  the  interest  of  Germany. 

"VoN  PLESSES, 
"General  Adjutant." 

On  the  occasion  of  the  presentation  of  a  black- 
white-red  flag  to  the  "Veterans  Society  of  Philadel 
phia,"  the  following  summons  appeared  in  the  Ger 
man  papers  there : 

"Comrades : 

"Again  His  Majesty,  the  all-honoured  Kaiser  Wilhelm  II 
of  Germany,  has  given  further  proof  of  his  full  recognition 
by  presenting  a  magnificent  flag  to  the  Veterans'  Club  of 
Philadelphia,  which  will  be  presented,  by  order  of  His  Maj 
esty,  on  October  31  st,  by  the  German  consul,  Herr  Ritschl, 
in  the  Quartelle  Club  Hall,  No.  2721-27  Germantown  Avenue. 

"The  Veterans'  Club  requests  all  comrades  to  take  part 
in  person  on  this,  our  honoured  evening. 

"By  commission  of 

"PHILIP  ZAUNER, 

"President." 


230     REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

Besides  these  the  German  Emperor  made  a  present 
of  a  captured  bronze  cannon  to  the  German  Soldiers' 
Club  in  Philadelphia.  To  the  same  club  a  monument 
has  been  dedicated  by  the  veterans'  and  warriors'  clubs 
of  Germany,  which  represents  a  charging  flag  bearer 
in  full  war  equipment.  Those  contributing  most 
largely  to  the  fund  for  the  monument,  which  was 
designed  by  a  Berlin  sculptor,  Albert  Wolff,  were  the 
Emperor,  the  Grand  Duke  of  Pless,  as  well  as  the 
Hamburg  Senate,  and  also  that  of  Bremen. 

The  portraits  of  the  Emperor  and  the  princes  are 
also  very  highly  prized  by  the  German  soldiers'  clubs. 
The  Veterans  of  the  German  Army  in  San  Francisco, 
California,  sent  a  request  to  the  Kaiser  for  his  por 
trait  and  that  of  his  father  and  grandfather.  The  en 
treaty  was  graciously  accepted,  and  the  portraits 
begged  for  were  sent  to  the  city  of  the  Golden  Gate, 
where  they  were  presented  on  a  festive  occasion  with 
an  address  by  the  consul  general  Rosenthal. 

Of  great  significance  was  the  visit  of  the  German 
cruiser  division  in  the  East  American  waters,  with  the 
object  of  establishing  a  political  trade  relationship  be 
tween  the  two  countries,  and  which  visited  all  the  east 
American  harbours  from  the  most  southern  point  of 
Florida  as  far  north  as  Labrador.  This  visit,  how 
ever,  was  not  alone  profitable  in  establishing  political 
trade  relations,  but  more  so  by  accentuating  the  good 
understanding  between  the  Germans  in  the  New 
World  and  those  representatives  of  the  old  home  who 
had  come  to  them  under  the  war  flag  of  the  German 
Empire. 

The  visit  of  the  cruiser  Vineta  in  New  Orleans,  at 
the  end  of  January,  1904,  under  the  command  of 
Captain  Schroeder,  proved  an  extraordinary  event 
with  which  was  connected  a  great  celebration  in  hon- 


SOME  SOCIAL  ORGANISATIONS         231 

our  of  the  Emperor's  birthday.  Professor  Hanno 
Deiler,  then  president  of  the  North  American  Singers1 
Society,  was  entrusted  with  the  arrangements  for  the 
reception,  and  he  sent  the  following  announcement  to 
all  the  societies  belonging  to  the  singers'  club: 

"New  Orleans,  La.,  Jan.  15,  1904. 

"In  a  few  days,  on  the  25th  of  January,  Germany's  entire 
American-West  Indian  squadron,  composed  of  the  four  cruis 
ers,  Vineta,  Panther,  Gazelle,  and  Falke,  with  about  a  thou 
sand  sailors,  will  arrive  in  New  Orleans  in  order  to  celebrate 
there,  on  January  27th,  the  Kaiser's  birthday.  The  German 
fleet  has  never  before  been  in  this  part  of  the  world  in  such 
strength,  therefore  we  should  make  this  visit  a  particularly 
festive  one. 

"There  have  been  a  number  of  festivities  planned,  and  the 
height  will  be  reached  on  Thursday,  the  28th  of  January, 
when  a  giant  reception  and  ball  will  be  held  in  the  Wash 
ington  Artillery  Hall.  On  this  evening  the  writer,  at  the 
request  of  the  German  Central  Committee,  will  greet  the 
officers  and  men.  The  national  president  of  the  German 
Soldiers'  Clubs  will  be  there  from  St.  Louis  in  order  to  greet 
the  guests  in  the  name  of  the  Soldiers'  Clubs  of  America. 

"According  to  my  idea,  it  would  be  suitable  if,  on  this 
occasion,  I  should  also  speak  in  the  name  of  the  German 
singers,  whose  representatives  the  New  Orleans  singers  are, 
and  it  would  be  very  opportune  if  the  German  singers  of 
all  the  great  cities  of  the  country  were  to  take  part  by  send 
ing  telegrams  of  greeting. 

"The  telegrams  should  be  addressed  to  me  (Hanno  Deiler, 
2229  Bienville  Avenue,  New  Orleans,  La.),  and  should  be 
in  my  hands  on  Thursday  morning,  January  28th.  All  tele 
grams  should  have,  besides  the  name  of  the  sender,  also  his 
address  in  full,  so  that  the  Commodore  (Schroeder)  may,  at 
a  future  time,  answer  them  by  letter. 

"You  are  herewith  kindly  requested  to  be  responsible  for 
the  sending  of  a  telegram  from  your  city. 

"With  sincere  greetings, 

"Yours  truly, 

"J.  HANNO  DEILER, 
"President  of  the  North  American  Singing  Societies." 

The  societies,  almost  without  exception,  obeyed  the 
request,  only  a  few  declined,  among  those  the  United 


232    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

Singers  of  Detroit,  who  gave  as  an  excuse  for  their 
refusal  that  many  belonged  to  the  society  who  wished 
to  have  no  part  in  celebrating  such  monarchical  prin 
ciples,  etc.,  and  therefore  these  might  become  es 
tranged  from  the  singers'  society,  which  was  purely 
for  the  furtherance  and  in  the  interest  of  singing. 

From  Cincinnati,  Professor  Deiler  received  the  fol 
lowing  telegram: 

"Gathered  together  to  celebrate  the  Emperor's  birthday, 
the  representatives  of  the  German  Societies  of  Cincinnati 
extend  their  warmest  welcome  to  the  German-West  Indian 
fleet,  which  has  just  landed  on  Columbia's  shores  for  the 
same  purpose. 

"CARL  POLLIER, 
"German  Consul." 


On  the  occasion  of  the  visit  of  the  gunboat  Panther 
in  the  harbour  of  Galveston,  there  appeared  the  fol 
lowing  summons  in  the  German  papers  in  Texas : 

"GERMAN-TEXANS,  FORWARD  ! 

"A  great  honour  is  about  to  be  conferred  upon  Texas.  A 
gunboat  of  the  Imperial  German  fleet  is  going  to  visit  Gal 
veston  harbour,  a  prerogative  which  never  before  has  been 
the  lot  of  a  Texas  harbour. 

"In  nearly  all  German-American  papers,  for  several  days, 
has  appeared  a  summons  which  apparently  was  inspired  by 
Consul  Bunge,  who  is  stationed  in  Galveston,  in  which  the 
German-Texans  are  summoned  to  give  the  German  soldiers 
a  worthy  welcome.  This  proposal,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  will  meet 
with  hearty  response.  On  such  occasions  as  this  which  is 
before  us  there  is  aroused  in  all — whether  born  in  Ger 
many  or  brought  up  in  America  in  the  German  spirit — a 
mighty  power  of  love  of  the  old  Fatherland. 

"Former  German  soldiers,  whose  fate  has  brought  them 
to  Texas,  should  unite  with  Singers,  Turners,  Sons  of  Ar- 
minius,  and  all  who  revere  the  flag  of  Germanism,  in  a 
welcome  to  the  Panther,  and  make  it  a  brilliant  affair. 

"The  command  is:    Every  one  congregate!" 


SOME  SOCIAL  ORGANISATIONS         233 

General  Alfred  von  Low  en  f  eld,  the  Emperor's  ad 
jutant  general,  and  Major  Count  von  Schmettow,  the 
Emperor's  aide-de-camp,  who  were  sent  to  Wash 
ington  as  special  agents  of  the  Emperor  for  the  un 
veiling  of  the  monument  to  "Old  Fritz,"  had  received 
the  command  from  their  head  officer,  so  they  told  the 
reporters,  to  "look  around  thoroughly  and  send  him  a 
detailed  report"  while  they  were  in  the  United  States. 
And  they  did  look  around  thoroughly  and  were  every 
where  received  as  guests  of  honour  of  the  German 
societies,  and  also  visited  Milwaukee,  the  most  Ger 
man  city  of  the  Union.  There  they  reviewed,  in  full 
uniform,  the  parade  of  the  German  soldiers,  who 
had  turned  out  to  a  man,  and  General  von  Lowenfeld 
remarked  in  his  address  that  he  had  received  a  spe 
cial  commission  from  his  Majesty,  the  German  Em 
peror,  to  greet  most  heartily  the  German  comrades  in 
Milwaukee  who  had  given  such  a  warm  reception  to 
Prince  Henry.  In  Milwaukee  there  stirs  good  Ger 
man  air,  and  the  representatives  of  the  Emperor  saw 
by  their  audience  that  they  would  not  be  disappointed 
in  their  reception. 

This  can  be  inferred  from  the  following  letter: 

"Chicago,  Dec.  5,  1904. 

"Herr  Max  Hottelet,  President  of  the  German  Soldiers'  So 
ciety  of  Wisconsin,  Milwaukee,  Wis. : 
"The  festivities  for  the  reception  of  the  two  special  envoys 
of  His  Majesty,  the  German  Kaiser,  have  had  so  splendid 
and  valuable   an   outcome  that  I,  as  representative  of  the 
German  government,  permit  myself  to  express  to  you  my 
most  hearty  thanks.     Both  officers  expressed  to   me   their 
pleasure  over  the  fact  that  they  were  given  the  opportunity 
of  seeing  so  many  old  German  soldiers. 

"Most  respectfully, 

"WEVER, 
"Royal  Consul." 


234    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

It  may  be  mentioned  in  this  place,  that  the  societies 
of  compatriots  (Landsmann  Vereine)  likewise  were 
the  recipients  of  special  attention  on  the  part  of  the 
German  princes. 

The  Grand  Duke  of  Hessen  presented  to  the  Chi 
cago  Hessian  Society  a  beautiful  flag  and  the  Prince 
Regent  of  Bavaria  followed  his  example  when  he, 
through  the  German  consul,  presented  a  flag  to  the 
Bavarian-American  Society  of  Chicago  as  a  "symbol 
of  his  remembrance  of  the  wandering  sons  of  Ba 


varia." 


The  New  York  Hessian-Darmstadt  Folk  Festival 
Society  received  from  the  Grand  Duke  Ernst  Ludwig 
a  magnificent  streamer  and  a  splendid  portrait. 

Accompanying  the  picture  of  the  Grand  Duke  was 
a  letter  from  his  cabinet  to  the  head  of  the  Society, 
which  began  as  follows : 

"I  beg  to  advise  you,  in  reply  to  your  petition  sent 
to  his  Royal  Highness  the  Grand  Duke,  that  his  all- 
high  self  has  expressed  himself  as  willing  to  present 
to  you  a  streamer  for  your  flag,  in  accordance  with 
your  wish,  as  well  as  an  autographed  picture  as  a 
decoration  for  the  walls  of  your  hall.  Unfortunately, 
the  streamer  cannot  be  delivered  in  time  for  your  Hes 
sian-Darmstadt  Folk  Festival,  for  which  his  Royal 
Highness  wishes  success.  The  streamer  will  be  made 
especially  for  you  and  sent  when  finished." 

The  letter  closes  with  the  assurance  that  his  Royal 
Highness  prizes  very  highly  the  allegiance  of  the  Hes- 
sian-Darmstaedters  of  New  York  to  their  old  home 
and  for  that  reason  has  not  hesitated  a  moment  to 
grant  their  wish. 

A  really  royal  gift  was  that  presented  by  the  Prince 
Regent  Luitpold  of  Bavaria  to  the  Pfaelzer  Folk  Fes 
tival  Society  of  New  York.  It  consisted  of  a  portrait 


SOME  SOCIAL  ORGANISATIONS         235 

of  the  prince  regent  in  a  beautiful  gold  frame,  and  a 
streamer  in  the  Bavarian  national  colours.  The  King 
of  Bavaria,  or  the  vice-gerent  of  the  king,  as  is  known, 
is  palatinate  count  of  the  Rhine,  and  as  such  the  prince 
regent  dedicated  the  gift  to  his  loyal  compatriots  from 
the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine  in  a  strange  land,  as  the 
inscription  states.  The  streamer,  made  of  heavy  silk, 
is  a  masterpiece  of  gold  lace,  and  bears  on  its  right 
side  in  golden  letters  the  inscription,  "From  his  Royal 
Highness  the  Prince  Regent  of  Bavaria,"  and  on  the 
other  side  the  words:  "To  the  Pfaelzer  Folk  Fes 
tival  Society  of  New  York,  1903."  The  loyal  palat 
inates,  who  at  home  had  not  for  a  long  time  been  Ba 
varians  in  the  earlier  sense,  can  be  very  proud  of  this 
princely  gift. 

To  the  Murray  Hill  Society  for  the  Aid  of  Sick 
Swabians  in  New  York,  the  king  of  Wurttemberg  sent 
a  banner  and  his  picture  in  a  pretty  frame. 

The  same  monarch  sent  honourable  recognition  to 
the  city  librarian  of  Chicago,  Herr  E.  F.  L.  Gausz, 
who  had  sent  to  his  majesty  the  report  of  the  Silver 
Jubilee  of  the  Chicago  "Schwaben-Verein,"  and  a 
beautifully  gotten  up  souvenir  booklet  of  the  same. 
In  the  answer,  written  by  the  private  secretary  of  the 
king,  there  was  the  following: 

"The  king  has  joyfully  convinced  himself,  from  the  sou 
venir,  as  well  as  from  the  newspaper  reports,  that  the  inner 
most  relations  which  bind  the  Swabians  of  Chicago  to  their 
fatherland  have  not  ceased  to  flourish.  He  hopes  that  the 
cultivation  of  memories  of  the  fatherland  by  the  'Schwaben- 
Verein'  of  Chicago  will  enliven  this  allegiance  of  the  mem 
bers  to  their  old  home  for  ever,  and  that  it  will  build  a  bridge 
over  space  and  time." 

Also  the  Constadt  Folk  Festival  Society  in  Phila 
delphia  was  blest  with  a  picture  of  the  king  of  Wurt 
temberg. 


236    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

To  the  extremely  active  professor,  Dr.  Carl  Beck, 
head  of  the  Union  of  Old  German  Students  in  Amer 
ica,  who  made  a  specialty  of  naming  German  princes 
as  honourary  members  of  the  Union  and  sunning  him 
self  in  the  splendour  of  these  princely  members — 
whence  arises  the  beautiful  catch  word,  "Union  Beck- 
ism" — came  the  following  communication  from  the 
Grand  Duke  of  Baden: 

"Most  Esteemed  Herr  Professor  Dr.  Beck: 

"You  have  had  the  great  goodness  to  send  me  a  diploma 
which  the  Union  of  German  Students  in  America  has  awarded 
me  as  an  honourary  member.  I  would  like  to  tell  you  orally 
that  I  prize  highly  this  election,  and  thank  you  most  warmly. 
"The  wish  that  I  send  you  to-day  is  that  you  will  be  the 
bearer  of  my  staunch  and  hearty  thanks  for  the  considera 
tion  shown  me  by  your  Society.  May  the  Union  bloom  and 
succeed;  and  preserve  for  her  members  the  memory  of  their 
beautiful  student  days  in  their  old  German  home. 

"Yours  devotedly, 

"FRIEDERICH, 
"Grand  Duke  of  Baden. 
"Karlsruhe,  Dec.  29,   1903." 

The  Kaiser,  as  is  well  known,  has  established  Wan 
der  prizes  for  the  German  singer  clubs  in  the  United 
States,  in  whose  prosperity  he  takes  a  cordial  interest. 
The  Young  Men's  Chorus  in  Philadelphia,  which  won 
the  Kaiser  prize  at  the  last  contest,  received  the  fol 
lowing  cable  despatch: 

"Young  Men's  Chorus, 

President  Arno  Leonhardt, 

Philadelphia,  Pa. : 

"To  the  victors  in  the  battle  of  song,  my  congratulations. 
May  the  possession  of  my  prize  help  to  keep  alive  the  al 
legiance  to  the  old  home. 

"WlLHELM,   I.   R." 

The  wooing  of  the  German  Empire  and  its  official 
representatives  in  the  United  States  for  the  friend- 


SOME  SOCIAL  ORGANISATIONS         237 

ship  of  those  who,  before  the  beginning  of  the  Span 
ish-American  war,  were  branded  as  German  rene 
gades,  must  appear  to  disinterested  bystanders — espe 
cially  Anglo-Americans — as  in  direct  opposition  to 
the  policy  which  the  German  government  practises  in 
its  own  land  toward  foreign-speaking  subjects.  What 
would  happen — I  put  the  question  as  an  example — if 
the  king  of  Denmark,  or  the  president  of  the  French 
Republic,  should  present  flags,  through  their  official 
representatives,  with  inflaming  inscriptions,  to  those 
who  had  once  belonged  to  their  country  in  North 
Schleswig  and  in  Alsace-Lorraine?  Or  what  would 
happen  if  the  intransigent  Danes  in  Schleswig-Hol- 
stein,  the  French  who  look  back  with  longing  to  the 
old  French  regime,  were  to  send  telegrams  over  the 
borders  of  the  Empire  to  their  former  officials,  assur 
ing  them  of  their  undying  fidelity  and  loyalty?  What 
would  happen,  I  ask  again,  if,  for  example,  the  Poles 
in  Berlin  were  to  march  through  the  streets  in  mass 
formation,  carrying  banners  with  the  portraits  of  Po 
lish  national  heroes,  singing  the  song:  "Still  is  Po 
land  not  forgotten"? 

I  shudder  when  I  think  of  the  consequences  of  such 
actions,  and  yet  at  the  bottom  they  would  be  no  worse 
than  what  is  happening  at  this  time  in  America,  and 
indeed  with  the  help  of  the  same  government  which 
is  persecuting,  in  the  most  heartless  manner,  the  Po 
lish  priests,  editors,  teachers  and  school  children  be 
cause  they  will  not  give  up  their  Polish  mother  tongue. 

In  America  there  are  also  Danes,  French  and  Poles 
who  are  just  as  good  citizens  of  the  Republic  as  are 
the  Germans,  and  who,  filled  with  a  righteous  hatred 
against  the  German  Empire,  miss  no  opportunity  of 
calling  the  attention  of  the  proper  officials  to  the  ex 
traordinary  difference  in  treatment  the  German  gov- 


238     REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

ernment  gives  its  former  subjects,  now  citizens  of  a 
foreign  land,  and  her  own  subjects  speaking  an  alien 
tongue  in  Germany.  A  young  Dane  who  intensely 
hated  the  German  Empire  was  the  best  friend  of  two 
employes  of  the  German  Embassy  in  Washington,  and 
I  can  truly  say  they  held  no  secrets  from  him. 


CHAPTER  XXIV 

AND THE  FUTURE? 

Danger  of  war  between  America  and  Germany. — Attitude  of 
the  German-Americans  the  one  uncertain  detail. — Five 
times  in  the  last  decade  peace  has  hung  on  the  knife's 
edge. — The  Coghlan  incident. — "Hoch  der  Kaiser." — "Hoch 
der  President." — General  McArthur's  indiscretions. — "Our 
next  war  will  be  with  Germany." — "Knight  of  the  Black- 
White-Red  Circle." — Outlook  for  a  war  unfavourable  to 
the  United  States. — "Any  war  between  Germany  and  the 
United  States  would  be  a  civil  war !"  once  said  Herr  von 
Holleben. — Did  Prince  Henry  apologise? — Dewey  declines 
an  invitation  to  a  return  meeting  with  Prince  Henry. — 
"I  swear  allegiance  to  the  flag." 

WHOEVER  has  contemplated  from  afar  for  the  past 
ten  years  the  development  of  the  relations  between  the 
United  States  and  the  German  Empire,  must  come  un 
hesitatingly  to  two  conclusions,  namely,  that  both  sides 
have  earnestly  calculated  on  the  danger  of  war  and 
are  still  reckoning  on  one,  and  that  the  attitude  of 
the  German-Americans  constitutes  the  only  uncertain 
force  in  case  of  such  a  conflict.  The  German  Empire 
has  founded  its  hopes  on  them,  while  the  administra 
tion  in  Washington  regards  their  attitude  with  mis 
giving.* 

Not  alone  has  there  been  the  possibility,  but  even 
an  earnest  danger,  of  war  between  the  two  countries 
not  less  than  five  times  in  the  past  ten  years. 

Before  Manila,  when  Dewey  and  Diedrichs  cleared 

*  Although  printed  in  1907,  this  reads  as  if  written  to-day. 

239 


240    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

their  decks  for  action,  the  Americans  sang  that  libel- 
ous  poem,  "Hoch  der  Kaiser"  ("Me  und  Gott"),  which 
later  became  celebrated  all  over  the  world  at  the  time 
of  the  Coghlan  affair.  In  consideration  for  the  stir 
which  was  caused  by  this  affair  on  both  sides  of  the 
ocean,  several  verses  of  the  poem  may  not  be  out  of 
place  here : 

HOCH    DER   KAISER 

Der  Kaiser  of  die  Fatherland 

Und  God  on  high  all  dings  command. 

Ve  two — ach  !     Don't  you  understand  ? 
Myself — und  Gott. 

Vile  some  men  sing  der  power  divine, 

Mein  soldiers  sing  "Der  Wacht  am  Rhein," 

And  drink  der  health  in  a  Rheinisch  wine 
Of  me — und  Gott. 

In  connection  with  these  verses,  I  will  give  here 
a  rather  good  anecdote  of  Coghlan  and  Roosevelt: 

While  Rear-Admiral  Coghlan  was  at  Colorado 
Springs  taking  the  cure,  President  Roosevelt  arrived 
there  on  a  hunting  expedition.  The  two  men  met  on 
the  hotel  veranda  and  the  admiral  approached  the 
president  to  shake  hands  with  him  in  good  American 
style. 

Mr.  Roosevelt  looked  at  him  searchingly  a  moment, 
and  then  turned  to  the  next  person. 

"Joe,"  said  the  admiral's  wife,  "he  did  not  recog 
nise  you.  Go  and  tell  him  who  you  are." 

Obediently,  the  admiral  returned  to  the  president 
and  said :  "I  don't  think  that  you  remember  me,  Mr. 
Roosevelt." 

Again  the  president  stared  at  him.  Then  a  broad 
smile  spread  over  his  face.  He  struck  the  admiral 
heartily  on  the  shoulder,  at  the  same  time  exclaiming 
in  a  thunderous  voice:  "Hoch  der  Kaiser!" 


AND— THE  FUTURE?  241 

There  was  also  an  abusive  poem  written  about 
Roosevelt  at  that  time  which  has  not  had  wide  pub 
licity.  The  author,  who  is  known  to  me,  has  au 
thorised  me  to  print  several  verses  from  it,  which  I 
give  below: 

HOCH  DER  PRESIDENT 

Der  "Teddy"  Roosevelt  bin  ich  ja, 

Rauhreiter — President, 
In  Deutschland  und  Amerika, 

Ein  jedes  Kind  mich  Kennt. 

Bin  "Teddy"  mit  dem  groszen  M-und 

Der  Held  von  San  Juan 
Im  Renommieren  niemals  faul — 

A  true  American. 

Der  schonen  Worte  brauch  ich  viel, 

Denn  "talk  ist  cheap"  im  Land, 
"Fair  play  for  all  and  a  square  deal" 

Fur  mich  die — ofFne  Hand. 

Die  Deutschen  hab'ich  schrecklich  gern, 

Zum  fressen  lieb  ich  sie, 
Jedoch,  das  ist  des  Pudels  Kern, 

Kommt  in  die  Quer'  mir  nie ! 

Verletzet  nie  Monroes  Doctrin 

Sonst  mach  ich  gleich  mobil, 
Ich  selbst  ich  sturme  nach  Berlin, 

Held  Dewey  dampft  nach  Kiel ! 

After  the  Dewey-Diedrichs  episode  there  was  fur 
ther  immediate  danger  of  war  at  the  time  of  the  Sa- 
moan  affair,  when  American  and  English  cannons 
were  aimed  at  the  German  man-of-war  in  the  harbour 
of  Apia.  Again,  at  the  time  of  the  Holleben  affair  on 
the  1 2th  of  March,  1902,  when  a  deadly  insult  was 
offered  to  the  German  Empire  and  its  Ambassador  on 
the  day  after  the  sailing  of  Prince  Henry.  At  the 
time  of  the  bombardment  of  the  Venezuelan  fort  of 
San  Carlo  by  German  men-of-war,  and  finally  at  the 


242     REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

time  of  the  General  McArthur  affair,  when  this  officer 
declared  in  a  speech  at  a  military  conference  in  Ha 
waii  that  war  with  Germany  was  to  be  looked  for  in 
the  near  future.  The  indiscreet  general  expressed 
himself  further  on  this  same  occasion  to  the  effect 
that  the  pan-German  movement  which  was  fostered 
by  Germany  was  spreading  constantly  further  in 
America  and  already  had  led  so  far  that  during  the 
Spanish-American  war  there  were  so  few  Germans  in 
service  in  the  army  that  the  presence  of  a  German 
attracted  attention.  Added,,  to  this,  the  German  in 
terests  in  South  America  have  grown  to  such  propor 
tions  that  a  war  for  the  preservation  of  the  Monroe 
Doctrine  is  unavoidable.  In  case  of  such  a  war,  Ha 
waii  would  be  a  very  important  strategical  point,  as 
the  Germans  would  first  have  to  conquer  it  before  they 
would  be  able  to  make  an  attack  on  the  Pacific  coast 
of  the  United  States. 

There  has  been  considerably  less  of  the  war  cry 
since  Baron  Spec  von  Sternburg,  the  intimate  friend 
and  favourite  of  the  president,  has  replaced  the  un 
pleasant  and  much-disliked  Ambassador  von  Holleben, 
a  change  which  was  a  master  stroke  of  shirt-sleeve 
diplomacy  on  the  part  of  Roosevelt. 

A  bolt  has  been  shoved  across  the  mouths  of  the 
gossips,  to  be  sure,  in  order  that  the  war  idea  might 
not  be  hindered,  which  is  constantly  increasing  in 
ever-spreading  circles. 

A  well-known  Anglo-American  publisher,  who  has 
been  active  on  important  missions  to  Washington,  as 
also  to  London,  in  the  Philippines  as  well  as  in  East 
Asia,  and  who  enjoys  the  confidence  of  the  White 
House,  the  State  Department  and  the  British  Em 
bassy,  explained  to  me  a  few  years  ago  the  facts  with 
out  reserve. 


AND— THE  FUTURE?  243 

"Why  make  a  mystery  of  the  affair?"  he  remarked. 
"We  all  know,  each  one  who  is  associated  with  the  of 
ficial  circles  of  Washington  knows  it.  Our  next  war 
will  be  with  Germany!" 

The  danger  of  war  between  America  and  the  Ger 
man  Empire  was  born  in  that  moment  when  the 
United  States,  at  the  time  of  the  purchase  of  the 
Philippines,  deviated  from  the  path  of  its  former  pol 
icy,  laid  down  by  Washington  and  Monroe,  of  not 
mixing  in  affairs  foreign  to  America,  and  began  an 
adventurous  and  imperialistic  policy  which  sooner  or 
later  must  result  in  an  unfriendly  conflict  with  one  or 
the  other  of  the  European  powers  which  has  the  same 
desires.  The  names  of  Manila,  Samoa,  and  Vene 
zuela  are  sufficient  to  prove  the  truth  of  this  statement. 

In  Washington  one  is  very  distrustful  of  every 
thing.  It  seems  to  be  in  the  very  atmosphere  there. 
Most  of  the  middle  and  South  American  revolutions 
are  hatched  there.  I  remember  the  birth  of  the  Re 
public  of  Panama,  which  was  arranged  even  to  the 
smallest  details  beforehand. 

What  was  possible  then  may  again  be  repeated  is 
the  general  opinion,  and  not  without  a  sinking  of  the 
heart  does  one  follow  the  comings  and  goings  of  the 
special  envoys  of  the  Emperor,  their  enthusiastic  re 
ception  by  the  German  population  of  the  United 
States,  the  festive  dedications  of  the  Emperor's  flag  in 
the  German  colours,  with  the  inscription,  "With  God, 
for  Kaiser  and  Empire,"  and  the  sending  of  telegrams 
of  homage  by  old  German  veterans  to  their  former 
war  lords. 

One  can  hardly  blame  the  administration  in  Wash 
ington  if  it  has  become  nervous  and  sees  black,  and 
believes  in  the  possibility  of  the  existence  of  a  society 
of  the  Knights  of  the  Black- White-Red  Circle,  who 


244    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

have  set  themselves  the  task,  in  case  of  war  between 
the  Republic  and  the  Imperial  German  Empire,  of  es 
tablishing  in  the  Middle  West  an  independent  confed 
eracy  of  German  states,  and  of  declaring  in  his  own 
land  a  war  upon  good  old  Uncle  Sam.  Has  not  Herr 
von  Holleben  already  pointed  out  the  possibility  of 
such  an  event  when  he  said,  while  being  interviewed 
by  Mrs.  Grace  Downing,  that  any  zvar  between  the 
United  States  and  Germany  would  be  in  the  nature 
of  a  civil  war? 

The  outlook  for  the  United  States  in  case  of  war 
is  not  of  the  best,  but  in  the  case  of  a  war  with  Ger 
many  it  would  be  still  worse  if  Germany  were  to  form 
an  alliance  with  some  power  ruling  the  sea.  Sooner 
or  later  the  United  States  and  England  must  come 
to  a  decisive  war  over  Canada,  and  a  German-English, 
or  a  German-English-Japanese,  alliance  lies  in  no  re 
spect  outside  of  the  possibilities.  Thrown  alone  on 
his  own  resources,  Uncle  Sam  would  be  powerless 
against  either  of  the  alliances  mentioned. 

The  man  in  Washington  with  the  "big  stick"  knows 
this  very  well.  He  therefore  stands  firm  by  his  prin 
ciple  of  speaking  softly  and  preparing  for  war,  as  he 
truly  desires  peace! 

It  must  be  honestly  and  openly  stated,  a  large  por 
tion  of  the  responsibility  for  the  decided  disturbance 
of  the  friendly  relations  between  the  two  powers  be 
longs  to  the  representatives  of  the  Kaiser,  who  have 
far  exceeded  the  permissible  with  their  undignified  and 
obtrusive  "policy  of  presents"  on  the  one  hand  and 
on  the  other  by  their  direct  and  indirect  furthering  of 
the  movement  of  Germanism  in  the  United  States,  by 
which  has  been  aroused  an  unconquerable  feeling  of 
distrust  in  the  official  circles  in  Washington. 

One  cannot  and  will  not  believe  in  the  genuineness 


AND— THE  FUTURE?  245 

of  the  declaration  of  friendship  of  a  power  which  has 
— so  runs  the  American  argument — shown  its  true 
nature  in  China,  in  Venezuela,  etc.  One  cannot  and 
will  not  believe  that  any  self-respecting  nation  would 
accept  the  deepest  humiliations  and  insults  without 
thinking  of  satisfaction.  Could  one  imagine  a  worse 
insult  and  humiliation  than  the  following  announce 
ment  which  appeared  in  the  Associated  Press: 

PRINCE  HENRY  HAS  MADE  AN  APOLOGY  TO  ADMIRAL  DEWEY 

The  Admiral  takes  the  slight  to  the  United  States  in  ill  part 

Bremen,  February  i6th. — Before  Prince  Henry  left  on 
his  trip  to  America  he  had  an  interview  with  a  reporter  for 
the  Associated  Press  as  to  the  report  that  he  had  written 
a  letter  to  Admiral  Dewey  and  asked  pardon  for  the  attitude 
of  the  German  squadron  in  the  Bay  of  Manila  during  the 
Spanish-American  war.  "It  is  all  untrue,"  said  the  prince. 
"I  have  never  in  my  life  written  to  Admiral  Dewey." 


The  Associated  Press  received  yesterday  from  an  authen 
tic  source  an  explanation  of  the  rumour  that  Prince  Henry 
had  written,  apologising  to  Admiral  Dewey.  The  following 
explanation  did  not  come  directly  from  Admiral  Dewey, 
but  from  an  intimate  friend,  and  is  absolutely  true. 

The  A.dmiral  received  lately  a  letter  from  a  member  of 
the  American  Embassy  in  Berlin,  wherein  the  latter  re 
counted  the  text  of  a  conversation  which  he  had  had  with 
the  prince  at  a  dinner  given  in  his  honour  by  Ambassador 
White,  before  the  prince  sailed  for  America. 

During  this  conversation  the  prince  mentioned  that  he 
had  hoped,  after  the  expiration  of  his  service  with  the  squad 
ron  in  China,  to  return  home  via  San  Francisco,  but  that  on 
account  of  the  illness  of  his  mother  he  had  been  obliged 
to  take  the  shorter  route  by  way  of  the  Suez  Canal.  In  his 
customary  straightforward  way  he  added  that  the  present 
time  was  far  more  favourable  for  a  visit  to  the  United 
States,  as: 

"I  know  that  you  Americans  felt  hurt  over  the  affairs  in 
the  East,  and  I  cannot  blame  you.  I  myself  committed  a 
blunder  which  I  now  see  is  being  used  by  the  English  press 
to  make  trouble.  In  Hong  Kong  I  gave  a  dinner  on  the 


246    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

Deutschland,  my  flagship,  on  which  occasion  Admiral  Dewey 
was  the  oldest  officer  present;  besides  him  were  two  Rus 
sians,  an  Englishman,  as  well  as  officers  of  other  nationali 
ties,  whose  names  I  am  now  unable  to  recall.  I  first  drank 
to  the  health  of  the  Czar,  then  to  that  of  the  other  princes, 
and  last  to  that  of  the  President  of  the  United  States.  Dewey 
was  offended,  as  I  learned  the  next  day,  and  I  perceived  that 
I  had  made  a  great  mistake.  I  at  once  went  on  board  the 
Olympia  and  spoke  with  Dewey,  who  accepted  my  apologies 
in  good  part." 

The  prince  added  that  he  well  knew  that  Germany  had 
been  in  the  wrong,  but  that  his  relations  with  Admiral 
Dewey  were  at  the  present  time  of  the  very  best.  He  sent 
Admiral  Dewey  the  assurances  of  his  highest  esteem,  and 
expressed  at  the  same  time  his  sincere  hope  that  he  would 
meet  him  again  during  his  visit  to  America. 

At  the  same  time  with  this  assurance  from  Prince 
Henry  of  Prussia  that  his  relationship  with  Dewey 
was  on  the  most  pleasant  and  friendly  footing  there 
appeared  an  article  in  the  Associated  Press  which 
showed  an  exchange  of  telegrams  between  Admiral 
Dewey  and  Ambassador  von  Holleben,  which  ran  as 
follows : 

DEWEY     REFUSES     INVITATION     TO     DINE 
WITH    PRINCE    HENRY 

HE  INFORMS  AMBASSADOR  VON  HOLLEBEN 

THAT    MRS.    DEWEY    IS    TOO    ILL 

FOR  HIM  TO  LEAVE  HER 

Palm  Beach,  Fla.,  February  I7th. — 
Admiral  Dewey  received  to-day  the  fol 
lowing  telegram  from  Washington: 

"Will  you  dine  with  me  on  February 
28th,  at  7.30,  and  have  the  honour  of 
meeting  His  Royal  Highness  Prince 
Henry  of  Prussia? 

"HOLLEBEN, 

"Imperial  German  Ambassador." 

Admiral  Dewey  sends  the  following 
answer : 


AND— THE  FUTURE?  247 

"I  regret  most  heartily  not  to  be 
able  to  accept  your  invitation  to  dinner 
and  once  more  to  have  the  honour  of 
meeting  Prince  Henry  of  Prussia,  but 
Mrs.  Dewey  is  too  ill  for  me  to  be  able 
to  leave  her  alone. 

"GEORGE  DEWEY, 
"Admiral  U.  S.  Navy." 

Is  one  to  blame  the  American  statesmen,  I  repeat, 
if  they  are  not  able  to  believe  in  the  genuineness  of 
the  German  assurances  of  their  friendship? 

Those  persons  who  are  anxious  to  fill  their  pockets 
by  fishing  in  troubled  waters,  and  to  whom  a  serious 
disruption  between  the  two  countries  offers  a  golden 
opportunity,  are  preparing  an  incalculable  and  there 
fore  extremely  dangerous  period.  A  great  number  of 
men,  of  whose  existence  no  one  has  formerly  been 
aware,  have  seen  in  the  movement  toward  Germanism 
in  the  United  States  a  fruitful  field  for  their  peculiar 
talents.  "Vain  professors,"  journalists  whose  pens 
are  always  at  the  service  of  the  highest  bidders,  beer 
sellers  and  beer  brewers,  lawyers,  doctors  without 
practice,  politicians  who  have  never  done  a  stroke 
of  honest  work — all  these  feel  that  the  time  has  come 
to  play  the  part  of  saviours  of  Germanism,  and  to 
draw  on  the  ever-filled  crib  and  never-drained  secret 
fund.  Not  ideal,  but  rather  very  materialistic,  are 
the  motives  of  those  secret  letter-writers,  those  dark 
"men  of  honour"  who  change  their  opinions  at  will, 
and  whose  business  is  the  systematic  misleading  and 
deception  of  the  masses.  But,  happily  for  the  peace 
and  freedom  of  both  peoples,  there  are  limits  to  what 
they  can  accomplish. 

It  is  a  sad  truth,  but  no  clear-thinking  person  can 
escape  from  perceiving  that  the  movement  in  America 
toward  Germanism  will  come  to  an  end  in  the  natural 


248    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

course  of  things.  The  sooner  one  comes  to  this  con 
clusion  and  finds  the  courage  to  acknowledge  it,  the 
better  it  will  be  for  the  world  peace.  Let  us  hear 
what  is  said  about  the  future  of  Germanism  from  a 
thoroughly  unprejudiced  observer.  I  give  the  follow 
ing  from  a  report  of  the  German-American  School 
Society  of  New  York: 

"Having  returned  about  a  month  ago  from  a  lengthy  stay 
in  the  West,  I  discovered,  after  thorough  investigation,  that 
there,  as  well  as  here,  the  preservation  of  the  German  lan 
guage  stands  on  very  weak  legs.  The  German  schools  have 
vanished  from  the  map.  The  introduction  and  preservation 
of  the  instruction  of  German  in  the  public  schools  is  con 
stantly  being  met  with  difficulties,  and,  if  all  signs  do  not 
fail,  the  end  of  the  instruction  of  German  in  the  public 
schools  is  not  far  off.  That  would  indicate  that,  aside  from 
single  instances  where  the  German  Michel  has  had  his  pro 
testing  mouth  stopped  with  crumbs,  the  result  of  a  ten-year 
struggle  has  equalled  nil,  while  the  indifference  of  German- 
Americans  in  many  instances  has  not  been  possible  to  over 
come  through  intelligence. 

"The  greatest  evil,  however,  is  the  dislike  of  the  German 
parent  to  cultivate  the  mother  tongue  in  the  family." 

I  can  confirm  the  truth  of  this  statement  from  my 
own  experience.  Though  my  wife  and  I,  during 
our  stay  in  America,  spoke  only  German,  it  was  per 
fectly  impossible  to  make  the  children  do  so.  They 
understood  every  word  we  addressed  to  them,  but 
always  replied  in  English.  The  growing  youth  be 
longs  to  the  future,  and  this  youth  is,  in  its  thinking, 
feeling  and  speaking,  American.  The  worst  enemy 
of  the  German  movement  in  the  United  States  is  the 
American  public  school,  which  is  in  every  way  excel 
lent,  and  where  the  foreign-born  children  are  taught 
from  the  first  day  of  their  entrance  to  love  the  Amer 
ican  flag.  In  the  public  schools  of  the  larger  cities, 
with  their  large  proportion  of  foreign  peoples,  the  flag 


AND— THE  FUTURE?  249 

is  every  day  unfurled,  and  day  after  day  they  must 
repeat  the  solemn  oath  of  fidelity :  "I  swear  allegiance 
to  the  flag,  and  the  country  for  which  it  stands." 

There  is  only  one  way  to  prevent  a  war  between 
the  German  Empire  and  the  United  States,  of  which 
the  danger  is  imminent  and  close  at  hand;  and  that 
is  to  tear  away  the  mask  from  the  faces  of  those  dark 
trouble-makers  who  are  fishing  in  troubled  waters, 
who  are  not  alone  to  be  found  on  the  American  side, 
and  expose  them  in  their  true  light,  without  pity. 
Also,  a  more  decided  attitude  of  the  government  in 
Berlin  toward  the  "man  with  the  big  stick"  would 
materially  assist  in  keeping  the  peace.  "Words  are 
only  good  if  backed  up  by  deeds,"  the  rough-rider 
President  said  on  one  occasion,  and  that  should  not  be 
forgotten  in  Wilhelmstrasse. 


CHAPTER  XXV 

SHALL  I  BE  VINDICATED ? 

My  battle  for  an  investigation. — A  model  citizen's  curious 
legal  opinion. — Richard  Bartholdt  in  a  double  role. — Why 
the  Democrats  lost  their  last  presidential  campaign. — A 
letter  from  the  former  American  Ambassador  in  Berlin, 
Andrew  D.  White. — A  summons  in  the  New  York  Volks- 
zeitung  resounds  unheard. — My  health  hopelessly  ruined  by 
endless  persecution. — Diagnosis  of  two  American  medical 
authorities. — Return  to  Germany. — Am  I  the  victim  of  a 
colossal  official  mistake? — My  last  petition  to  the  Foreign 
Office. — A  declaration  by  Pastor  Dr.  O.  Frommel. — What 
will  be  the  outcome? 

HERR  VON  HOLLEBEN  had  left  his  position  under  more 
disgraceful  circumstances  than  had  ever  any  ambas 
sador  before,  but  the  incident  of  March  12,  1902, 
into  which,  against  my  knowledge  and  will,  I  had 
been  drawn,  still  remained  unexplained.  It  was  for 
me  a  life  interest,  a  necessity  of  existence,  to  bring 
about  an  official  inquiry  into  the  affair,  upon  which 
my  future  and  that  of  my  family  depended.  In  an 
other  place  I  have  already  related  how,  in  the  suit 
for  libel  which  I  had  brought  against  the  publisher  of 
the  Gross  New  Yorker  Zeitung  justice  had  been  dis 
torted  and  I  had  been  forced  through  false  testimony, 
gathered  in  Germany,  as  well  as  the  threat  of  losing 
my  position,  to  withdraw  my  case;  I  have  given  con 
sideration  also  to  the  remarkable  outcome  of  the  libel 
suit  brought  by  the  New  York  Herald  against  three 
Berlin  dailies,  and  shown  what  mighty  secret  influ- 

250 


SHALL  I  BE  VINDICATED—?  251 

ences  were  summoned  to  prevent  my  appearing  as  a 
witness  in  the  case.  Would  it  be  possible  for  me, 
without  friends  or  means,  to  bring  about  an  investi 
gation  ? 

In  spite  of  my  unhappy  experiences  I  had  not  lost 
faith  in  right  and  justice.  I  turned  to  Arthur  von 
Briesen,  the  head  of  the  Legal  Aid  Society,  whom 
President  Roosevelt  had  called  a  "model  German- 
American  citizen,"  and  implored  his  assistance.  After 
Herr  von  Briesen  had  corresponded  with  Washing 
ton,  I  received  from  him  the  crushing  reply  that  who 
ever  dared  to  place  himself  between  two  opposing 
forces  must  expect  to  be  mutilated  by  them.  I  had 
to  submit  without  question  to  my  fate.  This  decision 
came  from  the  mouth  of  the  president  of  a  Legal 
Aid  Society,  the  very  man  who  had  appeared  as  ac 
cuser  of  Carl  Schurz  and  charged  him  with  selling 
himself  to  the  politics  of  the  highest  bidding  party. 
Indeed  a  "model  German- American  citizen"  after  the 
heart  of  President  Roosevelt! 

At  the  time  of  the  last  presidential  election,  I  begged 
Richard  Bartholdt,  the  German  Republican  member 
of  Congress  from  St.  Louis,  to  use  his  not  insignifi 
cant  influence  in  Washington  for  the  securing  of  an 
investigation.  Herr  Bartholdt,  without  hesitation, 
gave  me  a  letter  to  George  B.  Cortelyou,  the  present 
postmaster  general  of  the  United  States,  who  had 
been  private  secretary  to  McKinley  and  Roosevelt, 
and  who  at  that  time  was  entrusted  with  the  manage 
ment  of  the  Republican  campaign.  The  letter  read : 

"Herr  Witte  has  placed  before  me  briefly  a  circumstance 
which,  in  my  opinion,  deserves  that  you  order  an  investiga 
tion.  He  asked  me  to  lay  the  matter  before  the  President, 
but  this  was  impossible  for  me,  on  account  of  my  business 


252     REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

burdens.    Herr  Witte  pleads  for  fair  play,  and  is  entitled  to 
it,  as  I  look  upon  the  matter." 

As  Joseph  Winter,  secretary  of  the  German  Roose 
velt  League,  who  was  personally  acquainted  with  the 
President  and  had  repeatedly  been  his  guest,  told  me 
later,  Mr.  Cortelyou  was  inclined  at  the  beginning 
to  comply  with  the  wish  of  Herr  Bartholdt,  but  again 
mighty  secret  influences  were  set  moving  which  broke 
him  off  from  his  intention. 

Herr  Richard  Bartholdt,  who  since  has  become  sena 
tor  for  Missouri — no  mean  performance  for  a  one-time 
German  typesetter's  apprentice  and  simple  reporter  on 
the  New  Yorker  Staats-Zeitung — played  in  the  affair 
a  most  lamentable  role,  which  agreed  fully  with  the 
picture  which  I  had  formed  of  him  at  the  Embassy, 
where  he  was  well  known,  on  the  basis  of  confidential 
advices.  The  story  was,  so  my  official  informant,  S-sz, 
told  me,  that  Herr  Bartholdt  had  played  the  role  of 
go-between  for  the  Hanking  house  of  S.  Bleichroeder 
and  United  States  Senator  Wolcott  in  a  gigantic  busi 
ness  transaction  which  had  completely  altered  the  en 
tire  silver  question,  and  had  received  a  pretty  remu 
neration.  The  gradual  increase  in  the  price  of  silver, 
noticeable  since  that  time,  is  a  direct  result  of  that 
transaction ! 

Toward  the  end  of  the  present  campaign  the  private 
secretary  of  one  of  the  chiefs  of  the  Democratic  party 
called  upon  me  at  my  home  and  endeavoured  to  induce 
me  to  publish  a  statement  regarding  the  incident  of 
March  12,  1902.  I  was  not  disinclined,  but  made 
the  stipulation  that  the  Democratic  party  on  its  side 
must  give  me  a  binding  assurance  of  an  investigation. 
The  next  morning,  November  i,  1904,  the  New  York 
Staats-Zeitung  published  the  following  article: 


SHALL  I  BE  VINDICATED—?  253 

WHAT  WILL  IT  BE? 

DEMOCRATIC  NATIONAL  COMMITTEE  PROMISES 
A  SURPRISE 

CURIOSITY  WILL   BE   GRATIFIED   TO-MORROW- 
MURPHY  PROMISES  MORE  THAN 
139,000  PLURALITY 

SOMETHING  STARTLING  IN  STORE— SECRETARY 
WOODSON  OF  THE  NATIONAL  COM 
MITTEE  PROPHESIES  IT 

Secretary  Ury  Woodson  of  the  Democratic  National  Com 
mittee,  who  believes  implicitly  in  the  election  of  Parker  and 
Davis,  stated  yesterday  that  something  would  happen  that 
would  throw  great  consternation  into  the  Republican  camp. 
He  would  not  say  anything  further. 

"We  know  definitely,"  he  added,  "that  Parker  will  be 
elected,  and  the  Republicans  as  well  will  know  it  to-morrow." 
People  in  the  headquarters  began  to  rack  their  brains  over 
this  mysterious  statement,  and  finally  they  came  to  the  con 
clusion  that  Campaign  Manager  Taggart  would  return  to 
morrow  and  bring  a  lot  of  favourable  news.  But  later  this 
solution  of  the  question  was  discarded,  for  advice  came  by 
telephone  from  Mr.  Taggart  that  he  would  remain  in  Indi 
ana,  and  not  return  to  New  York  until  probably  the  end  of 
the  week. 

The  expected  great  surprise  never  occurred.  The 
entire  country  was  in  the  tensest  condition  and  waited 
with  impatience  for  the  disclosures  which  were  going 
to  throw  the  Republicans  into  confusion.  But  nothing 
happened,  and  Judge  Parker  suffered  one  of  the  most 
disastrous  defeats  that  ever  happened  to  a  Democratic 
presidential  candidate. 

HERE  Is  THE  RIDDLE'S  ANSWER  : 

It  had  been  intended  to  bring  to  the  knowledge  of 
the  people  of  the  United  States  the  history  of  the 
March  I2th,  1902,  incident,  with  all  its  ramifications 
and  with  a  plain  statement  of  names  of  the  persons 
responsible  for  it,  and  by  this  means  at  the  psycho- 


254    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

logical  moment,  to  bring  about  a  general  revolution 
among  the  voters,  especially  the  Germans,  for  the 
benefit  of  Parker.  How  it  came  about  that  the  her 
alded  surprise  never  came,  possibly  Herr  Hermann 
Ridder,  publisher  of  the  New  Yorker  Staats-Zeitung, 
who  later  was  received  in  audience  by  the  German 
Kaiser,  and  his  trusty  henchman,  Georg  von  Skal, 
in  whose  hands  lay  the  management  of  the  German- 
Democratic  campaign,  know  an  explanation.  But 
again  the  hoodoo  character  of  the  New  Yorker  Staats- 
Zeitung,  which  brings  misfortune  to  every  candidate 
it  supports,  was  proven. 

When  the  Democrats,  after  the  end  of  the  cam 
paign,  set  themselves  to  hunt  up  the  cause  of  their 
defeat,  many  voices  were  raised  which  charged  be 
trayal  in  their  own  camp  and  accused  the  leaders  of 
having  sold  the  party  out  to  the  Republicans. 

Still  I  would  not  resign  hope  of  securing  an  investi 
gation.  I  resorted,  with  a  detailed  exposition  of  the 
circumstances,  to  the  former  American  Ambassador 
in  Berlin,  Andrew  D.  White,  who  at  that  time  was 
publishing  his  German  reminiscences,  and  begged  him 
for  advice  and  help  in  my  affair.  Mr.  Andrew  D. 
White,  who  bore  the  name  of  a  just  and  benevolent 
man,  answered  me  from  Ithaca,  N.  Y. : 

^  "I  think  that  if  your  case  is  laid  before  the  Secretary  of 
State  for  Foreign  Affairs  in  Berlin,  Baron  von  Rich tho fen, 
who  always  appeared  to  me  one  of  the  fairest  and  broadest- 
minded  of  men,  it  will  receive  adequate  attention." 

In  its  number  of  January  24,  1906,  the  New  York 
Volkszeitung,  the  only  honourable  and  independent 
German  newspaper  in  the  metropolis  on  the  Hudson, 
published  an  appeal  in  which  I  called  upon  all  honour 
able  and  independent  German  papers,  on  both  sides  of 


SHALL  I  BE  VINDICATED—?  255 

the  ocean,  in  the  interest  of  right  and  justice,  to  de 
mand  an  investigation  of  my  case.  The  appeal  was 
vain. 

Somewhat  later  I  sent  from  Wilmington,  Delaware, 
where  I  had  settled  with  my  family,  a  letter  to  Secre 
tary  of  State  von  Tschirschky,  the  successor  of  the 
meanwhile  deceased  Herr  von  Richthofen,  with  an 
appeal  for  an  investigation.  This  communication  re 
mained  unanswered. 

In  Wilmington  I  encountered  another  blow.  I  had 
intended  to  publish  a  weekly,  which  should  meet  the 
needs  of  old  and  young,  that  is,  both  German-born 
and  the  American-born  German-American,  and  there 
fore  should  appear  in  both  English  and  German.  The 
business  men  of  the  city  received  the  idea  cordially 
and  co-operated  with  me  most  liberally,  so  that  the 
undertaking  from  the  very  start  seemed  to  rest  upon 
an  assured  foundation.  The  first  number  of  my  paper, 
which  was  to  be  called  The  German- American  Citizen, 
was  to  see  the  light  of  day  on  the  Saturday  before 
Easter,  and  was  already  about  half  completed.  Then, 
exactly  one  week  before  the  stipulated  day,  appeared 
the  first  number  of  another  paper  with  the  same  title, 
as  publisher  of  which  was  given  the  name  of  A.  D. 
Jacobson,  an  unpopular,  well-known  journalist  in 
Wilmington.  The  man  had  appropriated  the  name 
and  plan  of  my  paper,  and  under  the  pretence  that  it 
was  identical  with  my  undertaking  had  gone  to  the 
business  people  of  the  city,  who  did  not  hesitate  to 
hand  over  to  him  the  advertisements  intended  for  my 
publication.  In  carrying  out  this  manoeuvre  he  showed 
a  mass  of  letters  which  the  ambassador,  Herr  von 
Sternburg,  had  written  to  him  personally,  who  evi 
dently  was  his  best  friend  and  had  assured  him  of  the 
Embassy's  support.  I  acquainted  Herr  von  Stern- 


256     REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

burg  with  the  facts,  published  in  the  Wilmington  Eng 
lish  press  an  explanation  why  I  had  desisted  from 
my  plan,  and  betook  myself  with  my  family  to  Balti 
more. 

There  my  sight  suddenly  began  to  fail  so  rapidly 
that  I  consulted  two  eminent  specialists  of  the  Uni 
versity  of  Maryland,  Dr.  William  Tarun  and  Dr. 
Irving  Spear,  who  gave  me  a  thorough  examination 
and  told  me  I  was  afflicted  with  an  incurable  disease 
of  the  spine,  locomotor  ataxia,  induced  by  mental 
strain  and  excitement,  which  would  gradually  lead  to 
total  blindness  and  paralysis  of  the  body.  Now,  for 
the  first  time,  I  received  an  explanation  of  the  sudden 
weakening  of  my  sight  which  had  so  disturbed  me. 
My  right  eye  was  already  blind,  without  my  having 
known  it. 

That  was  for  me  a  terrible  discovery.  For  the 
first  time  in  all  the  long  terrible  years  of  suffering  I 
broke  down  and  wept  bitter  tears.  .  .  . 

Since  it  was  impossible  for  me  to  secure  justice  in 
America,  I  boarded  ship  for  Germany,  with  my  family, 
at  the  end  of  May,  1906.  A  few  days  before  my 
departure  a  number  of  important  papers  were  stolen 
from  me  by  a  woman  whom,  on  account  of  her  posi 
tion,  I  had  considered  wholly  trustworthy,  and  who 
had  been  connected  secretly  with  Washington,  with 
the  portentous  warning  to  demand  an  investigation 
of  my  affair  in  Germany. 

Sick  and  penurious  as  I  was,  I  gave  up  the  idea 
of  following  the  advice  of  Herr  Reinhold  Ortmann, 
the  new  editor-in-chief  of  the  Baltimore  Deutscher 
Korrespondent,  to  have  the  thief  arrested  and  to 
resort  to  law.  I  had  had  enough  of  American 
justice. 

At  the  beginning  of  June  we  arrived  in  the  old 


SHALL  I  BE  VINDICATED—?  257 

home.  Strengthened  and  improved  by  the  sea  voyage, 
I  renewed  without  delay  the  battle  for  an  investiga 
tion.  I  informed  Herr  von  Tschirschky,  Secretary  of 
State  for  Foreign  Affairs,  of  my  return,  and  placed 
myself  at  the  disposal  of  the  Foreign  Office. 

My  next  step  was  directed  toward  finding  the  ad 
dress  of  the  former  German  Embassy  chaplain  in 
Rome,  Pastor  Dr.  Otto  Frommel.  After  many  at 
tempts  my  efforts  were  crowned  with  success.  A 
woman  member  of  the  Order  of  the  High  Eagle  had 
the  kindness  to  advise  me  that  Herr  Dr.  Otto  Frommel 
was  located  at  Gera,  Russia.  Enclosing  photographs, 
my  wife  wrote  a  letter  to  the  clergyman  on  February 
1  8,  1907,  in  which  she  laid  before  him  the  repeated 
crying  injustice  to  us,  and  called  upon  him  as  a  Ger 
man,  as  a  Christian,  and  as  bearer  of  the  name  of 
Frommel,  to  honour  the  truth.  In  reply  to  this  letter 
came  the  following  telegram  from  Gera  on  Feb 
ruary  i 


"Your  letter  to-day.  Deplore  deeply  victim  of  grave  offi 
cial  mistake.  Disclaim  on  my  part  any  responsibility,  since  I, 
requested  by  American  consul,  deposed  concerning  certain 
Georg  Witt,  never  regarding  your  husband,  unknown  to  me. 
Further  by  letter. 

"FROMMEL/' 

As  a  loyal  German,  Dr  Frommel  could  call  it  only 
a  "grave  official  mistake."  Was  it  only  a  grave  offi 
cial  mistake,  or  was  it  more  than  that? 

On  the  next  day  Herr  Pastor  Frommel  arrived  at 
my  house  in  person.  He  was  extremely  agitated  that 
they  had  drawn  him,  an  evangelical  clergyman,  into 
so  shameful  an  intrigue,  and  had  secured  from  him  a 
declaration  on  oath  under  false  pretences,  in  order, 
with  their  help,  to  destroy  an  innocent  man  and  his 
family.  He  promised  to  do  everything  in  his  power 


258    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

to  repair  the  injustice  to  me  and  to  assist  me  to  my 
rights.  In  further  pursuance  of  the  affair,  I  secured 
from  the  Royal  Police  Headquarters  in  Berlin  an 
official  certificate  that  I  had  been  a  resident  of  Berlin 
in  the  years  1892  and  1893.  I  received  this,  as  well 
as  a  statement  from  Herr  Frommel,  and  in  possession 
of  these  documents  turned  with  the  following  petition 
to  Herr  von  Tschirschky : 

"Charlottenburg,  May  24,  1907. 
"Tegeler-Weg   103. 

"To  the  Secretary  of  the  Foreign  Office,  Berlin. 
"Your  excellency: 

"I  take  the  liberty  of  addressing  you  most  respectfully  as 
follows : 

"I.  In  March,  1902,  the  press,  among  others  the  Frank 
furter  Zeitung  of  the  I3th,  and  the  Berliner  Tageblatt  of 
March  I4th,  published  the  following  identical  despatch  from 
New  York: 

"  The  German  Embassy  declares  Witte  threatened  to  mur 
der  von  Holleben/ 

"II.  In  a  libel  suit  against  the  Gross-New  Yorker  Zei 
tung,  in  1902,  that  paper  secured  evidence  against  me  from 
the  Foreign  Office,  either  from  organs  or  persons  connected 
therewith.  Especially  did  my  opponents  turn,  by  means 
of  the  former  German  consul  at  Rome,  Herr  Nast-Kolb,  to 
the  former  chaplain  of  the  Imperial  Embassy  at  Rome,  Herr 
Pastor  Dr.  Frommel,  now  in  Gera. 

"Writings  by  Herr  Director  Mayer,  of  the  Mergenthaler 
Linotype  Machine  Company,  part  owner  of  the  New  York 
paper,  under  date  of  Berlin,  Chauseestrasze  17-18,  May  12, 
1902,  and  by  his  counsel  May  21,  1902,  as  well  as  other  let 
ters  which  support  my  claims,  are  in  my  possession. 

"The  purpose  was  to  secure  from  Dr.  Frommel  material 
regarding  a  certain  'Georg  Witt,  alias  Emil  Witt  or  Witte/ 
who,  from  July,  1892,  to  early  1893,  in  Rome,  as  private 
secretary  to  Herr  Nast-Kolb,  had  committed  various  swin 
dles,  and  to  use  this  material  against  me  by  identifying  me 
with  that  swindler. 

"This  purpose  succeeded  completely.    I  declare  further : 

"To  I.  The  statement  that  I  threatened  to  murder  the 
German  ambassador  to  America,  Herr  von  Holleben,  is 

"A  -fabrication  out  of  thin  air. 

"The  falseness  of  this  accusation,  for  which  proof  was 


SHALL  I  BE  VINDICATED—?  259 

never  sought,  is  self-evident  from  the  lack  of  any  proceed 
ings  against  me. 

"To  II.  I  am  not  identical  with  the  swindler,  Georg  Witt, 
who  plied  his  confidence  games  in  Rome  from  July,  1892,  to 
early  1893. 

"This  is  self-evident  from  the  attached  certificate  of  the 
Royal  Police  Headquarters,  of  March  9,  1907,  according  to 
which  I,  returning  from  London,  am  reported  as  a  renter 
at  Puttkammerstrasze  14,  Berlin,  from  August  22d,  1892, 
until  my  removal  to  Charlottenburg,  October  I,  1893. 

"But,  above  all,  is  every  doubt  that  I  have  been  the  pitiable 
victim  of  a  confusion  of  persons  removed  by  the  herewith 
submitted  trustworthy  declaration  by  Herr  Pastor  Doctor 
Frommel,  of  April  12,  1907,  which  likewise  contains  many 
consistent  circumstances. 

"The  results  of  this  monstrous  mistake  were  the  most  seri 
ous  impairment  of  my  health  and  my  professional  progress, 
and  the  ruin  of  my  life.  Branded  by  the  calumnious  rumour, 
burdened  with  the  curse  of  a  swindler's  past,  who,  in  addi 
tion,  planned  to  attack  the  German  Ambassador,  I  found  all 
doors  for  practice  of  my  profession  closed,  for  I  encoun 
tered  everywhere  suspicion  or  mistrust.  The  frightful  need 
into  which  I,  with  my  large  family,  fell  under  such  a  burden, 
united  itself  with  the  tense  agitation  of  years  of  vain  battling 
against  the  fateful  slander,  the  source  of  which  I  could  not 
discover,  and  which  agitated  me  all  the  more  terribly  and 
brought  me  all  the  nearer  to  despair,  in  that  I,  despite  knowl 
edge  of  my  innocence,  was  unable  to  grapple  with  the  con 
victing,  apparently  unanswerable,  and  unopposed  evidence. 
All  these  frightful  strains  brought  upon  me  an  incurable 
nervous  disease,  locomotor  ataxia,  which  has  already  resulted 
in  total  blindness  of  my  right  eye,  a  serious  danger  to  and 
great  weakening  of  sight  in  my  left  eye,  and  the  partial  pa 
ralysis  of  my  limbs,  a  further  serious  handicap  to  my  profes 
sional  work. 

"Under  such  terribly  effective  wrong,  I  consider  justified 
my  claim  to  amends,  and  believe  I  may  beg  the  assistance 
of  the  officials  who  were  drawn  into  the  affair.  It  is  not,  in 
my  opinion,  a  question  of  abstract  implication  of  certain 
organs ;  I  desist,  therefore,  from  following  up  and  substanti 
ating  the  proof  at  hand.  The  actual  participation  suffices. 
Whoever  has  acted  in  good  faith,  actually  considering  me 
identical  with  the  swindler  Witt,  with  former  Consul  Herr 
Nast-Kolb,  in  Rome,  or  whoever  has  been  the  innocent  cause 
of  the  calumny  in  that  his  name  was  used  without  denial 
as  basis  for  the  accusation  that  I  threatened  Herr  von  Holle- 


260    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

ben  with  murder,  cannot,  in  my  opinion,  free  himself  of  the 
duty  on  his  part  to  withdraw  or  to  discredit  the  equally  mon 
strous  and  false  charges  brought  against  me,  and  on  his  part 
also  to  support  me  in  my  rightful  battle  for  justice  and  the 
repair  of  my  sorely  injured  name. 

"After  unspeakable  endeavours  in  the  battle  for  my  rights, 
I  have  succeeded  at  last  in  clearing  up  the  case,  in  coming 
upon  the  trail  of  the  source  and  context  of  the  frightful 
suspicions  raised  against  me  in  spite  of  my  innocence,  and  in 
finding  the  needed  proofs.  My  earlier  petitions  in  this  affair, 
dated  March  5,  1906,  Jan.  21  and  Feb.  18,  1907,  your  excel 
lency  has  not  answered ;  only  in  reply  to  my  request  of  April 
17,  1907,  for  return  of  the  statement  enclosed  with  my  peti 
tion  of  March  5th,  which  the  former  American  ambassador 
in  Berlin,  Mr.  Andrew  D.  White,  had  sent  to  me  in  good  will, 
I  received  this  statement  back  by  the  Bureau  note  of  April 
22,  1907. 

"Again  I  direct  to  your  excellency  the  urgent,  pressing 
appeal  to  please  to  order  an  investigation  and  clearing  up  of 
the  dire  attacks  and  charges  directed  at  me,  and  not  to  block 
me  from  justice.  Should  grounds  exist  for  the  assumption 
that  I  threatened  Herr  von  Holleben  with  murder,  then  I 
believe  I  may  beg  submission  of  the  supposed  proofs  or  evi 
dence.  In  the  other  event,  I  believe  myself  justified  in  the 
expectation  that  from  the  proper  source  an  explanation  will 
be  given  out  declaring  either  that  the  German  Embassy, 
the  supposed  originator  of  the  report,  was  not  connected 
with  the  hitherto  undenied  representations  in  the  press,  or 
else  now  pronounces  untrue  the  allegations  it  made. 

"Should  your  excellency  desire  any  further  explanation 
from  me,  I  beg  for  opportunity  to  submit  it  most  willingly. 
On  the  other  hand,  I  believe,  considering  the  heavy,  and 
for  me  so  calamitous  sickness  and  injury  of  which  I  have 
been  the  innocent  victim  for  so  many  years,  that  I  may 
express  the  most  humble  prayer  for  utmost  hastening  of 
my  case. 

"I  earnestly  beg  your  excellency  to  please  to  vouchsafe  me 
the  deserved  justice  and  not  to  drive  me  to  utter  despair. 
"Your  excellency's 

"Most  respectful 

"E.  WITTE." 

ENCLOSURE  I 

"Royal  Police  Headquarters. 

"By  order  of  the  ist  instant,  it  is  certified  herewith,  for 
submission  to  the  Imperial  Chancellor  and  the  Foreign  Office, 


SHALL  I  BE  VINDICATED—?  261 

for  the  purpose  of  proof  of  identity  with  official  confirma 
tion,  that  the  writer,  Emil  Witte,  born  in  Wollin,  March  14, 
1864,  returning  from  London,  is  reported  as  renter  at  Putt- 
kammerstrasze  14,  this  city,  from  August  22,  1892,  until  his 
removal  to  Charlottenburg,  Oct.  I,  1893.  A  registry  sheet 
of  a  second  person  of  the  same  name,  living  at  the  said 
address  in  the  said  period,  is  not  reported.  Witte  resides, 
at  present,  according  to  his  own  statement,  in  Charlottenburg, 
Tegeler-Weg,  103. 

"Berlin,  March  9,  1907. 

"Office  of  Residence  Registration,  Royal  Police  Head 
quarters. 

"Certificate  1743.    E.  '07.  L.  S." 


ENCLOSURE  II 


'Gera,  Russia, 

"April  12,  1907. 


"At  the  instance  of  the  American  consul  in  Leipzig,  I 
made  a  deposition  in  the  interests  of  the  truth  during  the  sum 
mer  of  1902,  before  the  consul  at  that  place,  regarding  my 
experiences  when  I  was  chaplain  at  the  Imperial  Embassy 
at  Rome,  with  the  swindler,  'Dr.'  Georg  Witt,  who  was 
carrying  on  his  work  from  July,  1892,  to  August,  1893,  in 
that  city.  I  was  asked  for  my  deposition  on  the  totally 
erroneous  assumption  that  the  aforesaid  Witt  and  the  writer 
Emil  Witte,  former  journalist  in  America,  and  now  of  Char 
lottenburg,  Tegeler-Weg,  103,  were  one  and  the  same  person. 
I  now  declare,  upon  actual  sight,  as  well  as  upon  official 
information,  that  Herr  Emil  Witte  is  not  and  cannot  be  the 
same  as  Georg  Witt.  This  fact  should  have  been  self- 
evident,  without  further  ado,  moreover,  to  the  persons  inter 
ested  in  the  case  of  Emil  Witte  vs.  the  New  Yorker  Zeitung 
Publishing  and  Printing  Company,  since,  on  the  wish  of  the 
American  consul  at  Leipzig,  I  submitted  to  these  persons  a 
photograph  of  the  swindler  Witt,  with  his  autograph  and 
several  other  letters  which  related  to  him.  These  documents, 
in  the  highest  degree  important  for  the  clearing  of  the 
writer,  Emil  Witte,  are  still,  it  seems,  in  the  possession  of 
Mr.  Thomas  F.  Smith,  clerk  of  the  city  court  of  the  city  of 
New  York,  to  whom  they  had  been  sent  through  the  American 
consul  in  Leipzig.  In  spite  of  a  promise  that  after  comple 
tion  of  the  case  they  would  be  returned,  and  in  spite  of 


262    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

personal  efforts,  it  has  been  impossible  for  me  to  regain 
possession  of  my  property. 

"DR.  O.  FROMMEL, 
"Pastor,  former  chaplain  of  the  Imperial  Embassy." 

"That  the  signature  of  Herr  Dr.  O.  Frommel,  Former 
Imperial  Embassy  Chaplain  at  Rome,  herein  contained,  is 
genuine,  is  hereby  certified,  at  the  wish  of  the  aforesaid 
gentleman. 

"ETZOLD,  pastor. 

"Gera,  April  12,  1907." 

After  a  few  weeks  I  received  the  following  answer : 

"L.  S.,  Foreign  Office: 

"2  Enclosures. 

"Your  honour  will  find  in  the  enclosures  the  documents 
forwarded  with  your  esteemed  communication  of  May  24th 
to  the  Herr  State  Secretary  of  the  Foreign  Office. 

(No  signature). 
"Berlin,  June  19,  1907. 
"To  Hon.  Herr  E.  Witte,  Charlottenburg. 
"Official  Business." 


After  my  earlier  experiences  I  had  expected  no 
other  answer  and  could  not  expect  one.  Since  the 
Foreign  Office  simply  acknowledged  the  receipt  of 
my  letter  and  without  further  comment  returned  the 
enclosed  documents,  it  assumed  the  full  responsibility 
for  treatment  of  its  servant  never  equaled  before  in 
the  history  of  a  civilised  state,  treatment  which  to 
qualify  adequately  I  can  find  no  parliamentary  ex 
pression. 

There  remained  for  me  in  the  circumstances  noth 
ing  else  than  to  turn  to  the  public,  and  in  this  direc 
tion  to  address 

An  earnest  appeal  to  the  German  and  American 
peoples, 


SHALL  I  BE  VINDICATED—?  263 

and  to  ask  them  to  lend  me  a  hand  in  securing  an 
explanation  of  the  incident  of  March  12,  1902,  and 
its  attendant  circumstances.  The  peace  and  welfare 
of  both  great  peoples  are  endangered  to  the  uttermost 
by  the  brainless  actions  of  such  honourables  as  those 
stripped  naked  in  this  book;  and  both  related  peoples 
have  therefore  a  deep  interest  in  the  final  securing  of 
the  investigation  which  has  been  sought  by  me  for 
years. 

It  would  be  sad  indeed  for  the  foundations  of  our 
entire  public  life  if  the  state,  which  robbed  me  of 
honour  and  health,  which  ruined  my  economic  ex 
istence,  should  deny  me  the  right  of  an  investigation. 
Yet  still  I  hold  fast  to  the  belief  which  filled  the 
Prussian  people  in  the  time  of  Frederick  the  Great 
and  to  which  not  long  ago,  as  I  have  related  in  these 
pages,  an  American  paper  gave  expression: 

fCEs  gibt  Richter  in  Berlin!"  (There  are  judges  in 
Berlin.) 

How  like  the  wrath  of  Heaven  comes  the  fate 
which  has  smitten  most  of  the  actors  of  the  German- 
American  drama  which  I  have  unfolded : 

Herr  von  Holleben  forced,  under  disgraceful  cir 
cumstances,  to  leave  the  United  States;  Carl  Biinz, 
the  German  Consul  General  in  New  York,  twice  under 
the  operating  knife  and  close  to  death;  a  German 
journalist  who  slandered  me  murdered  in  Morocco; 
the  traitorous  American  secret-service  agent  Peeke 
sentenced  to  five  years  in  the  penitentiary;  Paul 
Haedicke  dead  before  his  time;  likewise  the  Washing 
ton  correspondent,  Habercorn,  who,  in  company  with 
Haediche,  had  worked  for  my  ruin ;  passed  away  also 
F.  W.  Holls,  intimate  friend  of  von  Holleben  and 
Miinsterberg,  who  threatened  the  most  horrible  things 


264    REVELATIONS  OF  A  GERMAN  ATTACHE 

against  me,  because  I  demanded  my  rights;  passed 
away  also  Baron  von  Richthofen,  to  whose  sense  of 
justice  I  had  appealed  in  vain! 
What  will  be  the  end? 


FINIS 


14  DAY  USE 

RETURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWED 

LOAN  DEPT. 

This  book  is  due  on  the  last  date  stamped  below,  or 

on  the  date  to  which  renewed. 
Renewed  books  are  subject  to  immediate  recall. 


I60ct'638S 

IN  ST.-  'V*' 

OCT2    1963 

REC'D  i-D 

iftN27'64-Bi* 

LD  21A-40m-4,'63 
(D647lslO)476B 


General  Library 

University  of  California 

Berkeley 


HHMKHPHn^  ^^  K^^stM^l^pi^HM^iM^  ili; 
:;;:jltV:ui;BlM^ 


BIBB 


«u**» 


g£ft»ifi4ffi;{-!>8qqu@t 


